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FBI: WeHo Mayor Duran on suspected mail bomber’s hit list

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West Hollywood Mayor is not assuming a “What, me worry?” posture, but he’s also not freaking out that the FBI told him Wednesday his name was on Cesar Sayoc’s assassination hit list. Sayoc is the Donald Trump super-fan accused of mailing more than a dozen pipe bombs Oct 29 to Trump critics and leading Democrats, including Presidents Obama and Clinton. Enforcing a search warrant of his home and van, the FBI found a list of more than 100 other potential targets, including Duran.

The FBI called West Hollywood City Manager Paul Arevello, who then called Duran, who called the FBI.

“[Sayoc] had been investigating various people around the country, trying to figure out information about individual people and I was one of the people he was trying to figure out information on,” Duran told the Los Angeles Blade. “I don’t know what or how successful he was. All I know was that I was on the list of people he was compiling information on.

“The FBI agent said [Sayoc’s] in custody and he’s not going to out for a very long time and he doesn’t see that he’s a continuing threat to me,” Duran continued. “But he was unable to say if he was a lone actor or working with others or if any of the information was shared with anyone. Don’t know. So they just gave me a ‘be cautious and be careful’ and ‘if you see anything suspicious, or hear anything suspicious, contact the FBI.’”

Duran suspects Sayoc came across his name when researching Trump critics Stormy Daniels and her attorney, Michael Avenatti. “How else would he pick up my name? he asks, recalling presenting Daniels with the Key to the City of West Hollywood last May.

Duran said he and the city have taken precautions—there is enhanced security at his office building and at city hall and the sheriffs will be monitoring his residence “a little more carefully.”

Otherwise, Duran said, he is not changing his plans. “It’s not the first time I’ve been down this rabbit hole,” he said. Indeed, as a young lawyer in Santa Ana in the late 1980s, he was physically confronted by Rev. Lou Sheldon’s religious extremists and had to be escorted out of the city chambers by local police. Additionally, Sheldon’s fanboys, the White Aryan Resistance (WAR) tried to set his office on fire, leaving graffiti messages to scare him.

Fending off fear has become familiar. “It’s kind of like how we get through Halloween and Pride every year. We have we have hundreds of thousands of people come to West Hollywood – but we’re just always alert and prepared for anything. We still have Gay Pride and we still have Halloween and we will continue to have, hopefully, an openly gay mayor in West Hollywood, who’s a Trump critic,” Duran said. “None of that changes because otherwise those who terrorize would succeed, they would win.  The point of terrorism is to inspire such fear in people that they change their politics or they go silent. And that’s just no going to happen. They’re just not going to succeed.”

Meanwhile, Duran said, “get ready for 2019. With a new government in the US Congress, we’ll probably have an even more raucous year.”

Out State Sen. Ricardo Lara, potentially the next Insurance Commissioner, also received a call from the FBI, his office said. He was included among 15 other Southern Californians on the hit list.

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Iran

Underground queer network challenges Iranian regime

Homosexuality remains punishable by death in country

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(Image by Micha Klootwijk/Bigstock)

While global powers negotiate with Iran’s regime under Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to curb its advancing nuclear program, the oppressed LGBTQ+ community is building and operating a secret underground network to resist state-coerced sex reassignment surgeries. 

These surgeries, mandated for gay and lesbian people as a state-sanctioned alternative to execution for homosexuality, are part of Iran’s penal code that criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual relations. The network provides safe houses, forged identification documents, and covert communication channels to protect members from government raids and imprisonment.

Precise data on LGBTQ+ people prosecuted in Iran for resisting state-coerced sex reassignment surgeries over the past decade remains elusive, as the regime’s opaque judicial system obscures such cases under vague charges like “corruption on earth” or “sodomy.” NGOs, including 6Rang, report that thousands of gay and lesbian Iranians face pressure to undergo surgeries to avoid execution for same-sex conduct, with resistance often leading to arrests or harassment for violating gender norms.

Zahra Seddiqi Hamedani and Elham Choubdar, a prominent activist, in 2022 was sentenced to death for their social media advocacy, charged with “corruption” and “human trafficking,” though their convictions were overturned in 2023. Similarly, Rezvaneh Mohammadi in 2019 received a five-year sentence for promoting “homosexual relations,” a charge hinting at resistance to the regime’s heteronormative mandates.

Arsham Parsi in 2003 escalated his clandestine fight for Iran’s LGBTQ+ community by launching Voice Celebration, a secret Yahoo chat group where 50 queer Iranians, using aliases, exchanged coded messages to evade the regime’s surveillance. Operating like operatives in a shadow network, participants shared text messages about human rights and survival tactics, knowing a single breach could lead to torture or execution. Parsi, then 23, orchestrated the group’s encrypted communications, building a virtual lifeline that connected isolated individuals across the country until his cover was nearly blown, forcing a desperate escape in early 2005.

Parsi in an exchange with the Los Angeles Blade revealed a defiant undercurrent in Iran, a movement too elusive to be called traditional resistance yet pulsing with covert rebellion against the regime. 

The state’s relentless push to force gay men into coerced surgeries — marketed as a “solution” to their sexuality — seeks to erase their identities through enforced conformity. Parsi, steering the International Railroad for Queer Refugees, disclosed how queer Iranians fight back with clandestine measures: Underground education to counter state propaganda, discreet psychological support to fortify resilience, and encrypted networks to forge secret alliances. These efforts, veiled to evade regime detection, dismantle the state’s narrative with every hidden signal and guarded connection.

“We are working to create a true grassroots resistance by empowering people to understand their identity, seek safe alternatives, and reclaim their agency despite the oppressive context,” said Parsi. “The Iranian regime’s policies are built on denial of sexual orientation and a forced alignment with a binary gender model.” 

“Rather than recognizing gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals, the system pressures them — particularly gay men — to undergo irreversible surgeries in order to be legally tolerated,” he added. “This systemic violence creates deep psychological harm and compels many to resist, even quietly, to protect their truth. The lack of legal recognition and the threat of arrest, harassment, or blackmail fuels the underground defiance we see today. It’s not only resistance for survival — it’s a rejection of state-imposed identity suppression.”

IRQR, guided by Parsi, for nearly two decades has operated as a lifeline, orchestrating daring escapes and running a covert network for Iran’s hunted queer community. 

Parsi said his work relies on secret, encrypted channels — meticulously managed to avoid detection — to funnel at-risk individuals to safety, smuggle life-saving information, secure hidden safe houses, and deliver emotional support. Every operation faces threats not only from the regime’s security forces but also from Basij militia operatives who masquerade as queer individuals to infiltrate networks, heightening the peril for those marked by their identities.

Black-clad Basij militia members respond at the first signs of defiance; tearing through crowds on motorcycles with batons and guns at the ready, poised to crush any challenge to Iran’s regime. These paramilitary volunteers, bound by fierce loyalty to the Islamic Republic, serve as the state’s enforcers, their plainclothes operatives slipping into dissident networks to root out the defiant. 

The Basij fill queer Iranians with dread; their so-called morality patrols and digital traps stalking those who dare to exist outside the regime’s rigid norms.

“Their goal is not only to gather intelligence but to undermine, divide, and cancel the work of activists and organizations like ours,” said Parsi. “This divide-and-conquer strategy is designed to break solidarity and generate mistrust.” 

“We have seen numerous cases where trusted circles were compromised by these informants, and it has made our work — and survival — even more complex,” he further noted. “Despite this, we persist. Through our underground connections, we have helped thousands of queer Iranians seek safety, community, and ultimately, freedom.”

Parsi told the Blade that international support — through funding, advocacy, policy pressure, or amplifying his stories — can significantly strengthen his work to protect Iran’s persecuted queer community. He emphasized IRQR operates with limited resources, making global solidarity essential to improve outreach, enhance safety measures, and respond swiftly to those in need. Parsi underscored such support brings visibility to the crisis in Iran, reminding those at risk they are not forgotten while exerting pressure on a regime that thrives on silence and fear.

Arsham Parsi (Washington Blade file photo by Michael Key)

One of the things that Parsi’s underground network offers is online workshops that educate queer Iranians about how they can remain beyond the regime’s reach. 

He said these sessions, designed for safety and accessibility, encompass peer support, mental health education, digital security training, and guidance on refugee pathways. Parsi explained the workshops give vulnerable Iranians the tools to navigate persecution, defy state surveillance, and pursue escape, exposing the resilience of a community under relentless scrutiny.

“Due to the high risk of persecution in Iran, traditional protests are not feasible,” said Parsi. “Instead, acts of resistance take quieter forms — like anonymous storytelling which are just as powerful in building awareness and connection within the community. While discreet, these activities help create a sense of solidarity and empowerment among queer Iranians.”

Parsi, undeterred by Iran’s unyielding regime, asserted with measured confidence that while underground acts of defiance — living authentically, supporting one another, resisting forced medicalisation — may not shift policy overnight, they are already improving lives. He stressed these quiet rebellions that queer Iranians stage challenge the regime’s narrative of shame and invisibility, forging a resilient foundation for future change. Each act, Parsi emphasized, dismantles the regime’s grip, offering hope to those navigating a landscape of relentless oppression.

“At IRQR, we view each life saved, each network built, and each truth spoken as a small but powerful act of resistance,” said Parsi. “These are the seeds of future liberation. Over time, as they multiply and gain visibility — locally and internationally — they will help reshape the landscape for queer Iranians.”

ILGA Asia Executive Director Henry Koh said queer Iranians’ underground resistance is a powerful assertion of bodily autonomy and self-determination. He described it as a deeply courageous act in a regime where visibility invites immense personal risk, from arrest to execution. 

When asked by the Blade if the Iranian regime’s punitive measures against openly queer people fuel underground resistance, Koh responded unequivocally. 

“Absolutely,” he said. “The climate of criminalization and repression leaves little safe space for queer people to live openly. This forces many into secrecy or underground networks as a means of survival, resistance, and mutual support. Such conditions are not only unjust but also profoundly harmful to the well-being of LGBTIQ+ individuals.”

“It is important to distinguish between affirming gender-affirming care and any form of coercive medical intervention,” he added. “When states or authorities mandate medical procedures as a condition for recognition or safety, it constitutes a grave violation of human rights. Gender identity is deeply personal, and no institution should override an individual’s self-defined identity.”

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Chile

Chilean lawmakers back report that calls for suspension of program for trans children

Country’s first transgender congresswoman condemned May 15 vote

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LGBTQ+ activists criticized Chilean lawmakers who endorsed a report that calls for the suspension of a program for transgender and nonbinary children. (Photo courtesy of Fundación Iguales)

The Chilean Chamber of Deputies on May 15 approved a report that recommends the immediate suspension of a program that provides psychosocial support to transgender and gender non-conforming children and adolescents and their parents.

The 56-31 vote in favor of the Investigation Commission No. 57’s recommendations for the Gender Identity Support Program sparked outrage among activists in Chile and around the world. Six lawmakers abstained.

The report proposes the Health Ministry issue a resolution against puberty blockers, cross-hormonalization, and other hormonal treatments for minors, regardless of whether they have been diagnosed with gender dysphoria. The report also suggests Chilean educational institutions should not respect trans students’ chosen names.

The report, among other recommendations, calls for a review of the background of all minors who are currently receiving hormone treatments. The report also calls for the reformulation of hormone therapy guidelines and sending this background information to the comptroller general.

Report ‘sets an ominous precedent’

Frente Amplio Congresswoman Emilia Schneider, the first trans woman elected to the Chilean Congress and a member of the commission, sharply criticized her colleagues who voted for the report.

“Today in the Chamber of Deputies the report of hatred against trans people was approved; a report that seeks to roll back programs so relevant for children, for youth, such as the Gender Identity Support Program; a program that, in addition, comes from the government of (the late-President) Sebastián Piñera,” Schneider told the Los Angeles Blade. ”This is unacceptable because the right-wing yields to the pressures of the ultra-right and leaves the trans community in a very complex position.”

Schneider noted “this report is not binding; that is, its recommendations do not necessarily have to be taken into account, but it sets an ominous precedent.” 

“We are going backwards on such basic issues as the recognition of the social name of trans students in educational establishments,” she said.

Ignacia Oyarzún, president of Organizing Trans Diversities, a Chilean trans rights group, echoed Schneider’s criticisms. commented to the Blade. 

“We regret today’s shameful action in the Chamber of Deputies, where the CEI-57 report issued by the Republican Party was approved in a context of lies, misinformation and misrepresentation of reality,” Oyarzún told the Blade. “This only promotes the regression of public policies and conquered rights that have managed to save the lives of thousands of children in the last time.” 

Oyarzún added the “slogan ‘children first’ proves to be an empty phrase without content used by those who today promote measures that push to suicide a significant number of children for the fact of being trans.”

The Movement for Homosexual Integration and Liberation, a Chilean LGBTQ+ rights group known by the acronym Movilh also condemned the approval of the report, calling it “transphobic” and accusing the commission of omitting the opinions of organizations and families that support the current policies. 

Movilh notes lawmakers approved both the Gender Identity Law and Circular 812, which promotes respect for trans students’ rights, within the framework of an agreement with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

“The text of the approved report is scandalous, because it seeks to take away the access to health to trans minors, including denying them the psychosocial accompaniment that also includes their respective families,” said María José Cumplido, executive director of Fundación Iguales, another Chilean LGBTQ+ advocacy group. “Likewise, it attempts against school inclusion, since it intends to eliminate something as essential as the use of the social name in educational spaces. In short, it takes away rights and freedoms to trans people, especially to minors.”

Cumplido, like Schneider, pointed out that “although its content is not binding, we will be alert to the political and legislative consequences that it may produce and we will continue working to avoid setbacks with respect to the rights of trans people.”

The report’s approval reflects a global trend that has seen neighboring Argentina, the U.S., and other countries reserve policies for trans and nonbinary young people. The Peruvian Health Ministry recently classified gender identity as a mental illness, and lawmakers have passed a law that prevents trans people from using public restrooms based on their identity.

Casa Rosada in Buenos Aires, Argentina, last month. Argentina is among the countries that have curtailed the rights of transgender and nonbinary children. (Washington Blade
photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Experts and human rights activists warn the suspension of Chile’s Gender Identity Support Program and other programs could adversely impact the mental health of trans and nonbinary children who already face high levels of discrimination and are at heightened risk to die by suicide.

“We will defend the Gender Identity Support Program and the right to exist of trans children and youth across the country,” said Schneider. “I want to reassure the trans families of our country that we will not rest until our rights are respected and that we can continue advancing because there is still much to be conquered.”

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California

New sapphic social club comes to West Hollywood

BBGRL Club debut night brings in full house with Niña Dioz performing live alongside local pop star BBGRL

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Dominique "BBGRL" Buggs poses with Paulina "Bro It's Paulina" Nguyen at BBGRL's debut show in West Hollywood. (Photo credit Dhalia Ghafoori)

BBGRL, formerly known as Dom, is an upcoming ethereal pop artist and visionary behind BBGRL Club — the femme-forward collective that aims to celebrate sapphic joy through music, performances and futuristic self-expression. Her pop sound blends synths, intimate vocals and Y2K nostalgia to build a unique experience for her audience.

BBGRL Social Club was born out of the idea that there needs to be more events for lesbians and sapphics in the City of Los Angeles. A city well-known for its vibrant and populous queer and trans community, struggles to make space for the many sapphics that inhibit the metropolis.

West Hollywood is home to a plethora of queer bars that are really open to all, but are locally known to cater more specifically to the gay male community. Whether it’s because of their male go-go dancers, beefy boy bartenders, or open restroom design for urinals and very few stalls, WeHo is very much for the gays. 

Now, we’re in 2025 and Dominique ‘Dom’ Buggs, libra, set out to be one of the few sapphics in Los Angeles to make space for the first letter of the acronym. Though there are a few other event spaces that do host consistent sapphic-centered nights, BBGRL, formerly known as Dom, wanted to make sure there was a space that not only welcomed, but centered the BIPOC baddies. Dom is from Mexico City, but is also half Black, so creating spaces like this is her personal mission. 

“[The goal] was to make a space where they could belong because I have been living in West Hollywood for many years and I really know there is a huge need for more authentic places that are actually inclusive to people from all walks of life, but that specifically center [sapphic]  people,” said Dom in an exclusive interview with the Los Angeles Blade. 

Emerging ethereal pop artist BBGRL interacts with the crowd during her debut night at WeHo’s Roosterfish on May 3, 2025.

(Photo credit to David Tran and Jocelyn Perich)

Even now in 2025 there are very few spaces that consistently cater to the sapphic community. At the start of 2025, there were only two. Only a few months into the new year and The Ruby Fruit — a sapphically-inclined wine bar in Silverlake — closed its doors due to what the owners say were financial circumstances beyond their control. The only other sapphically-centered space is Honey’s at Star Love. The bars opened around the same time, but Honey’s is an eccentric and charming place owned by queer, Black, women. 

Though there are very few other spaces that are intentional about making space for lesbian or sapphic nights, there are a lot of event organizers who take up the space on one night of the week or month. 

At Little Joy Cocktails in Echo Park, “Butchona” has one day a month to bring in all the lesbianas and butchonas who dress like their tíos — but better. At Bar Flores, there is a “The World is our Oyster” night, whose crowd tends to lean on the sapphic side. 

Last December, Roosterfish opened in West Hollywood, now adding itself to the list of brick-and-mortars making has made the space for sapphic events like BBGRL.

“This is my first time performing original music in West Hollywood period — but in a long time too,” said BBGRL. “I’m very excited to share a little bit of what I’ve been working on for some years.” 

BBGRL says that spaces like this are very necessary right now because of the social and political attacks on the LGBTQ community. 

“I’m really trying to build something that is memorable and something that really brings people together during these times where we really, really need unity.” 

During the social event’s debut night at Roosterfish in West Hollywood, BBGRL performed some of her music and invited long-time friend Niña Dioz to perform as well. 

“We are comadres and we both realized that we both had so many dreams about moving to L.A. and two years later in 2015 we both made the move and ended up being neighbors in Hollywood,” said BBGRL. “We formed a very special friendship that is really rooted in what reminds us of home — which is our community. Eventually she became my family.” 

Niña Dioz performs in West Hollywood on May 3, 2025. (Photo credit to David Tran and Jocelyn Perich)

After Niña Dioz returned to living in Mexico, BBGRL says it hit her hard, so their return to Hollywood to perform alongside BBGRL meant that much more to this dynamic duo. 

Carla Reyna, better known as Niña Dioz, is a nonbinary, queer hip-hop artist from Monterrey, Mexico. Over a decade ago, they stepped into a rap scene overly-saturated by male rappers within a culture that is also notorious for ignoring and sidelining women, trans and gender nonconforming people. Niña Dioz says they continue to fight the mainstream and make space for themselves and their homegirls. 

“I’m super excited to be here performing with my homegirl, BBGRL,” said Niña Dioz in an exclusive interview with the Los Angeles Blade. 

Niña Dioz says they are also excited to be working on new music to be released at the end of May. 

“I’m just excited to release new music,” said Dioz. “I took a few months off but it’s a song with Lenchanter. She sings chanteos (which is a slang term used in reggaeton music for fast and rhythmic lyrical music) and she is big in the queer, ballroom scene in Mexico City.” 

Niña Dioz says they are also excited to be releasing a new house music track right in time for Pride month. 

“I’m doing a lot of collaborations with artists from Latin America so you’re definitely going to be hearing from me this year,” they emphasized. 
The event will be hosted monthly in West Hollywood and will feature other performers, as well as guest DJs from the sapphic scene. At this event, the line-up included well-known sapphic DJ Amandita, who immaculately brings the vibes at every event where they play their bops but to keep up with the next lineup, follow BBGRL on Instagram.

BBGRL’s next show will be on June 11 at The Peppermint Club in Los Angeles.

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El Salvador

El Salvador conmemora el 17M bajo un clima de miedo y retroceso en derechos LGBTQ+

Activistas denunciaron al gobierno de Nayib Bukele

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(Foto de Ernesto Valle por el Washington Blade)

El 17 de mayo se conmemora a nivel mundial el Día Internacional contra la Homofobia, Transfobia y Bifobia, recordando la eliminación de la homosexualidad como enfermedad mental por parte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud en 1990. Sin embargo, esta fecha también se ha convertido en un espacio de denuncia ante la violencia estructural e institucional que sigue afectando a la población LGBTQ+ en muchos países, incluido El Salvador.

Este año, la marcha conmemorativa del 17 de mayo en San Salvador fue más reducida que en ocasiones anteriores. Decenas de personas se reunieron para alzar su voz a pesar del temor creciente entre quienes integran la diversidad sexual y de género. 

Las amenazas no son nuevas, pero sí más frecuentes en el contexto actual. 

Activistas, colectivas y organizaciones de derechos humanos denuncian que el gobierno de Nayib Bukele ha profundizado un discurso y una práctica anti-derechos. Para muchas de estas personas, la visibilidad se ha vuelto sinónimo de riesgo.

Desde la Asociación ASPIDH, Valeria Mejía, coordinadora de monitoreo y evaluación, expresó que “a inicios de 2025, el presidente Nayib Bukele y su gobierno oficializaron una postura anti-derechos, profundizando las amenazas estructurales contra los derechos humanos en El Salvador”. Alegan que esto ha generado retrocesos concretos para la comunidad LGBTQ+.

Mónica Hernández, directora ejecutiva de ASPIDH, ha sido enfática en sus declaraciones. 

“Se está silenciando a las organizaciones defensoras de derechos humanos a través de amenazas o restricciones legales”, afirmó. Y exigió al gobierno restituir los mecanismos que protegían a la población diversa.

Una de las luchas históricas aún sin respuesta es la aprobación de una ley de identidad de género. Actualmente, las personas trans no pueden modificar su nombre y género en sus documentos legales, lo que las expone a tratos humillantes en hospitales, centros educativos, juzgados y otras instituciones públicas.

La falta de una legislación que apoye a las personas trans sobre su identidad de género sigue siendo una afectación, por lo que sufren discriminación institucionalizada, en hospitales, centros educativos, juzgados, entre otros, donde suelen enfrentar trato discriminatorio o negación de servicios por no coincidir su identidad de género con sus documentos legales, mencionó una vocera de la Mesa por Una Ley de Identidad.

En la marcha de este año, las calles no se llenaron como en otras ocasiones. El miedo a la criminalización fue evidente. 

“Los agentes del CAM me dijeron que con este régimen me podían acusar de ser pandillera solo por ser trans y andar tatuada”, declaró una participante, temblorosa, al Los Angeles Blade.

A pesar del temor, hubo presencia. Algunas organizaciones de base y colectivos de clase trabajadora mostraron su solidaridad. Entre ellas, el Movimiento por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos de la Clase Trabajadora, quienes acompañan el caso de Carolina Escobar, una mujer trans despedida injustamente del ISDEMU.

Escobar también estuvo en la marcha. 

“Hay que permanecer unidas las minorías, yo estoy acá a pesar de que he sufrido persecución por parte de la Policía Nacional Civil, por dar seguimiento a los casos de despidos injustificados del ISDEMU”, comentó.

La analista política y activista Bessy Ríos de la organización De La Mano Contigo no se mostró optimista con el panorama. 

“Hay que prepararse para el peor de los escenarios y crear redes de apoyo entre nosotros”, recalcó durante la jornada conmemorativa.

La colectiva feminista también acompañó la marcha y compartió con otros colectivos mensajes de unidad. 

“En tiempos difíciles, es cuando debemos unirnos más”, dijo una joven activista con una pañoleta verde en su rostro.

La represión no solo se percibe en las calles. Desde hace meses, muchas organizaciones LGBTQ+ han denunciado bloqueos al financiamiento internacional que sostenía proyectos de apoyo, atención psicológica y asesoría legal. Sin esos fondos, la lucha se vuelve más cuesta arriba.

Además, la anunciada Ley de Agentes Extranjeros —todavía en discusión— amenaza con imponer un impuesto del 30 por ciento a las donaciones provenientes del extranjero. Esto pondría en jaque a decenas de ONG que trabajan directamente con poblaciones vulnerables, incluida la diversidad sexual.

La consigna en esta fecha ha sido clara: la lucha no se detiene. Incluso con menos recursos y bajo amenazas, quienes se organizaron para conmemorar el 17 de mayo lo hicieron con la firme convicción de que los derechos humanos no se negocian.

Desde las pancartas hasta las intervenciones públicas, el mensaje fue contundente: el Estado salvadoreño debe cesar toda forma de discriminación hacia las personas LGBTQ+ y garantizar políticas inclusivas que aseguren su acceso a la salud, la educación, la justicia y el empleo.

En cada paso, se entretejía el recuerdo de quienes ya no están, y el deseo ferviente de un futuro distinto. 

“Marchamos por quienes no pudieron llegar hoy, por quienes tienen miedo, por quienes ya no están. Seguiremos exigiendo respeto y dignidad”, expresó una activista.

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Arts & Entertainment

WeHo Pride and OUTLOUD Music Festival to host free concert

Registration for free tickets will open tomorrow, May 16 at 10a.m. PT

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On Friday, May 30, WeHo Pride and OUTLOUD will kick off the weekend full of festivities with a free WeHo Pride Presents Friday Night outdoor concert. 

WeHo Pride and OUTLOUD Music Festival have come together this year featuring a lineup of LGBTQ performers and LGBTQ-focused programming for all ages. 

The kick off event is free, but requires an RSVP to secure the complimentary tickets and registration for tickets officially opens on Friday, May 16 at 10a.m. The headlining performer will be Maren Morris, a GRAMMY award-winning, singer-songwriter who came out as bisexual during Pride month last summer and released her fourth album earlier this month. 

The OUTLOUD Music Festival will continue on Saturday, May 31, and Sunday, June 1, with a two-day concert experience spotlighting a dynamic lineup of LGBTQ+ artists including Lizzo, Remi Wolf, Kim Petras and Paris Hilton — all set to perform on the mainstage. Lil Nas X was also set to perform, but has been taken out of the lineup due to health issues. 

The SummerTramp stage will have Honey Dijon as the headliner, and feature sets from Horse Meat Disco, salute, Meredith Marks, Brooke Eden, and others. The Saturday and Sunday concerts are not free and do require tickets to be purchased in advance. 

“WeHo Pride Weekend is nearly upon us. Hosting WeHo Pride Presents Friday Night at OUTLOUD with free-entry tickets is more than symbolic — it’s a declaration that equality and inclusion matter,” said Chelsea Lee Byers, mayor of West Hollywood. “In West Hollywood, we celebrate queer lives and artists. At a time when LGBTQ communities face a surge of attacks across the country, West Hollywood remains committed to raising visibility and vibrantly celebrating our community. I’m so proud that the City of West Hollywood stands firm in the fight for LGBTQ rights and creative expression. I hope to see everyone out on Friday Night at OUTLOUD!”

WeHo Pride Presents Friday Night at OUTLOUD will begin at 6p.m. on Friday, May 30. The free WeHo Pride Street Fair will then take place on Saturday, May 31 and Sunday, June 1, beginning at noon. Both days will feature live entertainment, drag performances, activities and dyke-tivities such as the Dyke March and Women’s Freedom Festival on Saturday, taking place at the WeHo Pride Community Stage. 

“This event is all about showing up, celebrating loudly, and creating space for queer joy and none of it would be possible without the incredible support from the City of West Hollywood,” said Jeff Consoletti, founder and executive producer of OUTLOUD. “We’re beyond grateful to have our partnership extended through 2030 and can’t wait to keep building something unforgettable together year after year.”


Weekend and single day passes are on sale now. 
For more information, visit the OUTLOUD Festival website.

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Congress

Garcia confronts Noem over gay asylum seeker ‘forcibly removed’ to El Salvador

Andry Hernández Romero is makeup artist from Venezuela

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Andry Hernández Romero (photo credit: Immigrant Defenders Law Center)

California Congressman Robert Garcia on Wednesday asked Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem about the well-being of a gay asylum seeker from Venezuela who the U.S. “forcibly removed” to El Salvador.

The gay Democrat during a House Homeland Security Committee hearing asked Noem whether Andry Hernández Romero is “alive” and whether “we can check and do a wellness check on him.”

“This individual is in El Salvador, and the appeal would be best made to the president and to the government of El Salvador,” Noem told Garcia.

The Trump-Vance administration in March “forcibly removed” Hernández, who asked for asylum because of persecution he suffered due to his sexual orientation and political beliefs, and other Venezuelans from the U.S. and sent them to El Salvador.

The White House on Feb. 20 designated Tren de Aragua, a Venezuelan gang, as an “international terrorist organization.” President Donald Trump on March 15 invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, which the Associated Press notes allows the U.S. to deport “noncitizens without any legal recourse.”

Alvaro M. Huerta, director of litigation and advocacy for the Immigrant Defenders Law Center, a Los Angeles-based organization that represents Hernández, said officials with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and U.S. Customs and Border Protection claimed their client is a Tren de Aragua member because of his tattoos.

The Washington Blade on April 17 reported Hernández was sent to El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, a maximum-security prison known by the Spanish acronym CECOT.

Garcia, along with U.S. Reps. Maxwell Alejandro Frost (D-Fla.), Maxine Dexter (D-Ore.), and Yassamin Ansari (D-Ariz.) last month met with U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador William Duncan and embassy staffers in San Salvador, the Salvadoran capital. The lawmakers did not visit CECOT, but Garcia told the Blade that the embassy agreed to ask the Salvadoran government to “see how (Hernández) is doing and to make sure he’s alive.”

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Peru

Peruvian activists react to Pope Leo XIV’s election

American-born pontiff was bishop of Chiclayo

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Pope Leo XIV (Photo via Vatican News/X)

Pope Leo XIV’s election has sparked global reactions, but his appointment has struck a deeper chord in Peru.

The now-pontiff served for years as bishop of Chiclayo, a city in northern Peru. For LGBTQ+ leaders and activists in the country, Leo represents a figure who, while unlikely to overhaul church doctrine, could signal a shift towards a less hostile and more open Catholic Church.

“The fact that the new pope lived and served pastorally in Peru is no small thing,” said George Hale, director of Promsex, an advocacy group that is based in Lima, the Peruvian capital. “Leo XIV is deeply familiar with inequality, abuses of power, popular religiosity, and the pain of a society scarred by classism and exclusion. His support for victims of the Sodalitium scandal showed a courageous figure willing to listen when others remained silent.”

The Sodalitium of Christian Life, a Peruvian Catholic lay group implicated in cases of sexual and psychological abuse against minors, became one of the church’s worst scandals in Latin America. Leo’s direct involvement in sanctioning those responsible — and his central role in the group’s eventual dissolution — was widely viewed as a sign of his commitment to reform from within.

Former Congressman Alberto de Belaunde, one of Peru’s few openly gay political figures, also welcomed Leo’s election, describing his trajectory as “good news within the Vatican.” De Belaunde emphasized Leo’s time at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, where he served on the university’s assembly as the church’s representative.

“Unlike other pontifical universities, the PUCP is progressive and diverse,” De Belaunde said. “Monsignor Prevost always demonstrated a remarkable ability to dialogue and showed respect for differing views. That speaks volumes about both his intellectual and pastoral approach.”

The question still remains: How much could the church change under Leo’s papacy when it comes to LGBTQ+ rights?

“Sometimes, even just a change in tone makes a difference,” De Belaunde noted. “I grew up under the influence of Pope John Paul II and Bishop Cipriani, both known for confrontational rhetoric. When the pope says things like ‘Who am I to judge?’ — it doesn’t change doctrine, but it humanizes the discourse. And that matters.”

De Belaunde specifically referred to Pope Francis’s 2013 comments about gay priests. (The Vatican’s tone on LGBTQ+ and intersex issues softened under Francis’s papacy, even though church teachings on homosexuality did not change.)

“There are very conservative factions within the church, outright enemies of our rights,” said Congresswoman Susel Paredes, who is a lesbian. “But there’s also space for love of neighbor, as Jesus taught. Even if Pope Leo XIV were to chart a path toward full inclusion of LGBTQ people, resistance would remain. These things don’t change overnight.”

Paredes also highlighted Francis’s legacy — especially his vision of a synodal church. The Argentine-born pontiff who died on April 21 was Leo’s direct mentor.

“Pope Francis spoke of a church where ‘everyone, everyone, everyone’ walks together without distinction,” she said. “Leo XIV was already part of that vision when he worked in some of Peru’s poorest areas. That gives us hope and reason to watch his papacy with expectation.”

Peruvian Congresswoman Susel Paredes. (Photo courtesy of Susel Paredes)

Activists, however, are clear-eyed about the limits of symbolic change.

“He (Leo) doesn’t appear to be a hostile figure,” Hale said. “But he’s not pushing for radical reform either. He won’t lead the fight for same-sex marriage or trans rights. But his more humane tone — his closeness to those on the margins — can help de-escalate hate speech, especially in a country like ours.”

Hale also pointed to a recent gesture from the new Leo that raised concerns: His public support for the Peruvian bishops’ statement opposing a court ruling that granted Ana Estrada, a woman with a degenerative disease, the right to die with dignity through euthanasia.

“By endorsing that statement, he reaffirmed official doctrine. And while he may be compassionate, he’s still aligned with traditional positions on some key issues,” Hale said. “That’s why we insist: We’re not expecting a revolution, but a shift in tone matters.”

Peru does not recognize same-sex marriages, and transgender people lack legal protections. Expectations about Leo’s papacy remain measured because church rhetoric remains a roadblock to civil rights.

“Rights are granted by laws, and the separation of church and state must remain fundamental,” said Paredes. “That’s where progress happens, in secular legislation.”

“Yes — it’s a breath of fresh air to have a pope who doesn’t slam the door shut, who has walked with Peru’s most excluded,” she added. “That gives us encouragement to keep going.”

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Uruguay

Former Uruguayan president José Mujica dies at 89

One-time guerrilla fighter signed marriage equality law in 2012

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Then-Uruguayan President José 'Pepe' Mujica, left, and then-President Barack Obama meet in the Oval Office on May 12, 2014. (Screen capture via the Obama White House YouTube)

Former Uruguayan President José “Pepe” Mujica died on Tuesday. He was 89.

Mujica, a farmer, was a member of Tupamaros National Liberation Movement, a leftist guerrilla group that carried out bank robberies and bombings and kidnapped politicians and businessmen in the South American country during the 1960s and 1970s.

Mujica spent nearly 15 years in prison. The right-wing military dictatorship that governed Uruguay from 1973-1985 tortured him and held him in solitary confinement for a decade.

Mujica in 1989 joined the Movement of Popular Participation, a party that is part of the Broad Front, a leftist political coalition. Mujica was Uruguay’s president from 2010-2015.

Laws that extended marriage rights to same-sex couples and legalized abortion took effect in 2013 and 2012 respectively. Mujica in 2013 also signed a law that legalized recreational marijuana in Uruguay.

An LGBTQ+-friendly gym near the Uruguayan Congress in Montevideo, Uruguay, on April 8, 2025. Uruguay under President José “Pepe” Mujica’s presidency became one of the most LGBTQ+-friendly countries in the world. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Mujica earlier this year announced he would not undergo further treatment for esophagus cancer that had spread to his liver. The AP notes he died in his small house outside of Montevideo, the Uruguayan capital.

“With profound pain we announced that our friend Pepe Mujica has died,” said Uruguayan President Yamandú Orsi, who currently leads the Broad Front, on X. “President, activist, guide, and leader. We are going to miss you very much, dear old man. Thank you for everything that you gave us and for your profound love for your people.”

Esteban Paulón, a gay congressman in neighboring Argentina, celebrated Mujica as a “guide” for “Latin American progressivism.”

“He made humility, honesty and austerity his hallmarks,” said Paulón on social media.

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Cuba

No olvidar el 11 de mayo

Aquel día en 2019 es conocido como un «Stonewall a la cubana»

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(Dibujo cortesia de la Joven Cuba)

La Joven Cuba se publicó esta nota en su sitio web el 12 de mayo

Por NORGE ESPINOSA MENDOZA | En el calendario cubano, mayo es un mes cargado de fechas singulares y múltiples celebraciones. Desde su primer día, marcado por el tradicional desfile que recuerda a los mártires de Chicago como tributo a los trabajadores del mundo, pasando por el Día de las Madres, el Día Internacional de los Museos y el Día de África, entre muchas otras fechas. Se trata de una agenda cargada de memorias, consignas, festejos públicos o más domésticos que se concentran en esas cinco semanas.

La incorporación a todo ello del reconocimiento en nuestro país del 17 de mayo como Día Internacional contra la Homofobia, la Transfobia y la Bifobia removió ese panorama, sobre todo porque se trata de la misma fecha en la que se celebra el Día del Campesino y la Reforma Agraria. Entre las diversas reacciones que desencadenó todo ello, sirva como ejemplo del estupor con el que parte de la población cubana reaccionó, este fragmento de las décimas humorísticas creadas por Ángel Rámiz, muy popular gracias a su personaje El Cabo Pantera:

«Que esto no es chisme ni brete
y me da genio, compay,
¡con tantos días que hay
escoger el 17!
Quiero que se me respete,
se me dé una explicación:
¿Ese día mis amistades
me dicen felicidades
por guajiro o maricón?»

La elección de ese día molestó, irritó, generó controversias, en las cuales algunos rememoraron que para el calendario nacional ese día fue distinguido en favor del campesinado por conmemorarse en tal fecha el asesinato de Niceto Pérez, en 1946. La supuesta contradicción entre la imagen del campesino viril, líder y símbolo del trabajador agrícola, fue un detonante que no hallaba justificación ni siquiera en el hecho de que se trataba de resaltar desde nuestro país algo fijado internacionalmente por la Organización Mundial de la Salud.

Como señala la nota que presenta en el Decimerón esos versos de Ángel Rámiz, no faltó quien rebautizara al 17 de mayo, en tono despectivo pero también desde los límites de nuestro incontenible choteo, como Día del Maricón. Y más allá de esa anécdota, hacer memoria sobre este asunto nos permite recalibrar las tensiones que, entre consignas, mitos, épica y sexualidad, han marcado la aparición, visibilidad o invisibilidad de las llamadas minorías que también componen el entramado social del país, así sea al borde o en los márgenes de la historia oficial.

En esos territorios opacos, borrosos, ambiguos, a los que solo en fechas recientes se ha empezado a mirar y estudiar sin los prejuicios que sigue padeciendo la mirada de regla y cartabón de la narrativa oficial, aún perduran incomodidades, interrogantes y tabúes, que cada vez que nos acercamos al 17 de mayo resucitan o recobran interés en las agendas y los debates acerca de política, historia, sexualidad y cuerpo nacional. Un cuerpo que ha aprendido a saberse diverso, no solo porque desde esas agendas se le brinde tal posibilidad, sino porque las condiciones extremas a las que ha sobrevivido le han permitido hallar sus propias armas y herramientas para tal hazaña.

La memoria de los cuerpos disidentes

La historia de los cuerpos sexuados ha ido emergiendo lentamente ante nosotros, gracias al empeño de investigadores, historiadores, activistas, artistas, y finalmente, gracias a la irrupción de esas voluntades y biografías en los espacios gubernamentales donde por años se pensó únicamente desde el prisma heteronormativo y patriarcal, que también fue abrazado por la Revolución.

Las normativas y la preocupación por el deslinde de esos cuerpos, por las prácticas no re/productivas ni de ganancia inmediata para la nueva causa, estallaron desde el inicio. Es el elemento que dispara sus dardos lo mismo contra los cuerpos negros y mulatos que se divierten la madrugada del puerto habanero durante los pocos minutos del documental PM (cuya censura en 1961 provocó las Palabras a los intelectuales), que contra los pasajes eróticos de El mundo alucinante, la novela que presentó Reinaldo Arenas al concurso de la UNEAC en 1967, y que no solo no ganó al premio, sino que aún no ha sido publicada en Cuba. Ese recelo también fue el que activó las redadas en la Rampa habanera, la Noche de las Tres P en 1961, o las expulsiones de las universidades y escuelas de arte de aquellos que vivían una sexualidad disidente en la misma década.

El I Congreso de Educación y Cultura formalizó ese rechazo, en 1971, y aseguró durante los años 70 un periodo de oscurecimiento y pobreza en numerosos espacios de la vida nacional durante el decenio. Esos recelos volvieron a aflorar durante los días del Mariel y la Embajada de Perú: declararse lesbiana u homosexual (el término gay no era frecuente en el habla cubana de esos días aún) era una especie de salvoconducto inmediato para quienes querían abandonar el país rumbo a los Estados Unidos, a pesar de la amenaza de golpiza, o tener que avanzar a través de una muchedumbre que gritaba ofensas homofóbicas con la misma intensidad con la que lanzaba huevos podridos contra esos «desafectos». La memoria tarda en sanar. La memoria del cuerpo también tiene su propio canal de biografías.

La memoria tarda en sanar. La memoria del cuerpo también tiene su propio canal de biografías.

Esas memorias han demorado en añadirse a la narrativa que repasa esos acontecimientos. Los libros y testimonios que en su mayoría dan fe de esos rechazos y traumas comenzaron a aparecer fuera de Cuba, ya en los 80, y la llegada de la generación de los marielitos a Estados Unidos de América abrió una brecha de información que dio pie a volúmenes y documentales (Improper Conduct, de 1984, sigue siendo el más famoso y debatido), y que desde nuestro aparato partidista se leyó o denunció como una maniobra difamatoria contra la Revolución.

Ha sido un proceso arduo, doloroso, en el que las zonas de apertura o la desaparición de leyes que criminalizaban la homosexualidad y la existencia de «seres extravagantes», fluctuaba entre períodos de flexibilidad intermitentes y la insistencia en recordar que el cuerpo revolucionario de ese Hombre Nuevo imaginado por Ernesto Ché Guevara era, sobre todo, un cuerpo impenetrable.

De la marginación al «activismo oficial»

A fines de esa década, en el albor mismo de los años 90, una nueva generación de artistas había empezado a quebrar esas nociones tan rígidas, y mediante el quehacer de poetas, narradores, teatristas y figuras de la plástica, el valor de lo ambiguo, de la duda, de la necesidad de saltar sobre vetos y censuras, así como la posibilidad de que los cuerpos fueran celebrados más allá de las campañas de la zafra, las misiones internacionalistas, y otras imágenes aprobadas por el discurso oficial, consiguió hacer más respirable al país para aquellas personas que habían tenido que reprimir palabras y gestos a fin de evitar la estigmatización que, en no pocos casos, incluía el no poder optar por determinadas carreras universitarias o puestos de trabajo.

En 1989 se crea, precisamente, el Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual (CENESEX), derivado del Grupo Nacional de Trabajo de Educación Sexual, fundado a instancias de la Federación de Mujeres Cubanas, en 1974. Durante esos últimos años de la década, el rostro del doctor Celestino Lajonchere y de la doctora alemana Monika Krause se habían ido abriendo paso en programas televisivos y en otros medios, como principales voceros de la campaña de educación sexual que en sus primeros momentos estaba más enfocada en la instrucción acerca del uso de métodos anticonceptivos o la prevención del embarazo en edad adolescente, hasta llegar al gran tema tabú que era el homosexualismo.

La publicación de libros como En defensa del amor y ¿Piensas ya en el amor? convirtieron a esos títulos en best-sellers, confirmando la necesidad de una variante menos anticuada, pacata y moralizante de la sexualidad, que vino acompañada por otros materiales y películas (como Siete pecas, el filme  de Hermann Zschoche sobre el amor juvenil que incluía una feliz escena de desnudos de la pareja protagónica, producido en la República Democrática Alemana en 1978) que apuntaban a un relajamiento y mejor comprensión de estos asuntos en nuestra cotidianidad. Los años 90 fueron de dureza inimaginada hasta entonces, tras la caída del Socialismo del Este. En ese nuevo ámbito de carencias, Cuba se tuvo que reinventar. Y sus cuerpos también lo hicieron.

Los años 90 fueron de dureza inimaginada hasta entonces, tras la caída del Socialismo del Este. En ese nuevo ámbito de carencias, Cuba se tuvo que reinventar.

En mayo de 2008, el CENESEX sale definitivamente del clóset. La institución, ya bajo la dirección de Mariela Castro Espín, lanza ese año su segunda celebración del Día Internacional contra la Homofobia, la Transfobia y la Bifobia, con una campaña de alcance nacional que va más allá de los muros de su sede en el Vedado, e inunda la Rampa y el Pabellón Cuba en un acontecimiento sin precedentes.

Las reacciones fueron también diversas y apasionadas, incluidas esas que pensaron que se le arrebataba al campesinado su fecha más importante. Pero se comenzó ahí a naturalizar un concepto que sin dudas relocalizó al homosexual, a la lesbiana, a las personas trans, a los pacientes de VIH/Sida y a todo ese conjunto de cuerpos diversos en el imaginario nacional.

Lo que habían logrado poco a poco los artistas y creadores, desde los primero cuentos y poemas sobre el asunto y luego Senel Paz con «El lobo, el bosque y el hombre nuevo» y su versión cinematográfica: Fresa y chocolate, hasta los atrevimientos de Ramón Silverio y su Centro Cultural El Mejunje (en Santa Clara), obtenía otro nivel de legitimidad otorgado por el peso político del linaje de la directora del CENESEX, y el apoyo logrado por ella de diversas entidades e instituciones para gestar lo que en aquel 17 de mayo apareció en los titulares no solo de Cuba, sino en numerosas partes del mundo.

De ese paso de avance, podía esperarse más. Y en cierta medida, con discusiones, aperturas, tibiezas y desafíos, eso fue lo que la comunidad cubana LGBTIQ del país vivió, dentro y fuera de los márgenes del CENESEX, hasta mayo de 2019, cuando lo conseguido y lo aún por lograr se estremeció, se detuvo, y desde mi perspectiva, no ha logrado conciliar sus extremos tras lo ocurrido aquel 11 de mayo.

Los silencios del presente

A seis años de aquella marcha convocada por los activistas LGBTIQ de Cuba como respuesta a la suspensión de la Conga por la Diversidad —versión reducida del Gay Pride que el CENESEX desde el 2008 había implantado como un pequeño desfile a lo largo de varias cuadras de la Rampa— estoy leyendo el libro que el investigador y activista puertorriqueño Wilfred Labiosa publicó en 2024 bajo el título La Revolución LGBT en Cuba, aparecido por el sello Deletrea en Estados Unidos de América.

Ese día, el 11 de mayo de 2019, no existe en tal volumen, a pesar de que su autor reconoce en su epílogo que lo culminó «sentado junto a la ventana de uno de los nuevos hoteles de La Habana», en mayo de 2022. En el prólogo, firmado por Camilo García López-Trigo y Alberto Roque, ligados en un determinado momento al CENESEX, tampoco puede localizarse esa fecha.

Pareciera que, como afirmé hace un par de años, ese día nunca existió, a la manera en que Dulce María Loynaz hablaba de otra fecha en uno de sus poemas. Pero sí existió, sucedió. Y curiosamente, la ausencia en un libro como este, que se supone una guía para quien quiera conocer el devenir de las personas LGBTIQ en la historia de Cuba, lo hace mucho más visible.

Pareciera que, como afirmé hace un par de años, ese día nunca existió, a la manera en que Dulce María Loynaz hablaba de otra fecha en uno de sus poemas.

El volumen de Labiosa, quien ha visitado nuestro país con el auspicio y beneplácito del CENESEX, es su carta de agradecimiento a esta institución. Desde la propia narrativa de blanqueamiento a conveniencia de ciertos aspectos de esa línea histórica que pretende abordar, anula la existencia de libros previos e investigaciones que lo preceden para evitar enumerar conflictos y tensiones que sí han evidenciado otros estudios sobre el tema como los realizados por Víctor Fowler, Jesús J. Barquet, Alberto Abreu, Jesús Jambrina, Francisco Morán, Yoandy Cabrera, Mabel Cuesta, y otros investigadores como José Quiroga, Carlos Espinosa, Rubén Ríos Ávila o Daniel Balderston.

El título se trata de una elección cuidadosa y suspicaz que elimina referentes, se ahorra citar ciertos autores y anécdotas, y así como se extiende en tratar de explicar qué fueron las Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción, adelantándole al CENESEX la investigación prometida sobre esos campos de trabajo forzado en los que fueron recluidos entre 1965 y 1968 homosexuales, disidentes políticos y religiosos.

Lo esbozado se limita a un mapa que incluye no pocos agujeros negros, a fin de que otras probabilidades de activismos gestados fuera de esa institución sean al menos mencionados en este libro: una visión edulcorada y suavizante que recuerda la del documental En marcha con Mariela Castro, producido por HBO durante el breve idilio entre Cuba y Estados Unidos durante la administración Obama.

No hay aquí mención, digamos, de lo que revelaron los números de la revista Mariel, de la cual fue parte Reinaldo Arenas, o de un libro como Gays under Cuban Revolution, publicado por Young Allen en 1981 y que cuenta con traducción al español de 1984. Asegura no haber encontrado libros sobre las UMAPS, aunque existan varios sobre el tema: desde la novela Un ciervo herido, de Félix Luis Viera o La mueca de la paloma negra, de Jorge Ronet, hasta otros como La UMAP. El gulag castrista, de Enrique Ros (2004), o por supuesto, El cuerpo nunca olvida, de Abel Sierra Madero, el estudio más amplio sobre ese doloroso asunto, aparecido en 2022 por el sello Rialta Ediciones. Del mismo autor, Labiosa cita un artículo, pero no Del otro lado del espejo, ganador del Premio Casa de las Américas en 2006, que cubre zonas de las que asegura tampoco halló referencias.

A partir de ello, Labiosa asegura que su libro «es único, en la medida en que se enfoca únicamente en la comunidad LGBT viviendo en Cuba desde su fundación, durante la Revolución y bajo el liderato de los hermanos Castro». Asegura de inmediato que «muchos (tal vez todos) los libros y proyectos anteriores han tratado la homosexualidad como datos secundarios en entrevistas, o con aquellos que huyeron de Cuba y viven en España o en los Estados Unidos, específicamente en Nueva Jersey o la Florida». Al parecer no se detuvo, en la redacción de este libro que es parte de su investigación académica, en lo que como testimonio directo de su experiencia en la Isla apuntó, por ejemplo, Ernesto Cardenal sobre estos asuntos en las páginas de su muy conocido libro En Cuba, fechado en 1974.

Tal afirmación hubiera sido creíble a mediados o fines de los 80. Ya no. De entonces a acá han aparecido testimonios, libros, artículos y documentales que amplían ese circuito de referencias, que Labiosa desconoce o prefiere eludir. Habla de Fresa y chocolate, y de documentales como Mariposas en el andamio y Gay Cuba, pero ignora otros documentales previos, como No porque lo diga Fidel Castro (1988), el primero acerca de estos asuntos que produjo la Escuela Internacional de Cine de San Antonio de los Baños, o En busca de un espacio, estrenado en 1993, o los de Lizette Vila en ese periodo.

El encomiable trabajo de Ramón Silverio en El Mejunje ocupa aquí todo un capítulo, pero más allá de las simpatías de ese gestor cultural y comunitario, otros espacios y creadores también han hecho su obra, contra viento y marea, para incluir esas temáticas y discusiones, no pocas veces enfrentado censura y recelos que culminaron empujándolos al exilio, no simplemente «huyendo» de Cuba.

Labiosa desconoce o prefiere no comprometerse, y «olvida» eventos, exposiciones, proyectos, obras teatrales, la rehabilitación de autores como Lezama o Piñera y Arrufat, poemas, cuentos, antologías ya imprescindibles en este tipo de repaso. Habla de la aparición en Cuba del VIH Sida y de la reclusión a la que fueron sometidos sus primeros pacientes, pero no da referencia acerca de los soldados internacionalistas que trajeron de regreso el virus, historia revelada en obras como el filme El acompañante (Pavel Giroud, 2015) o en libros de Miguel Ángel Fraga.

Labiosa desconoce o prefiere no comprometerse, y «olvida» eventos, exposiciones, proyectos, obras teatrales, la rehabilitación de autores como Lezama o Piñera y Arrufat, poemas, cuentos, antologías ya imprescindibles en este tipo de repaso.

Varias de sus afirmaciones no vienen de pruebas documentales o referencias precisas, acerca de la célebre canción «Siboney», asegura, por ejemplo: «compuesta por Ernesto Lecuona se considera como una de las primeras sobre amor gay», añadiendo que esa fue la «canción principal» de Esther Borja, como si «Damisela encantadora» jamás hubiese existido en el repertorio de dicha cantante, en el que fue su imborrable carta de presentación. Menciona además a Pablo Milanés por su canción «El pecado original», a Amaury Pérez y a Silvio Rodríguez pero no a iconos como Bola de Nieve, Luis Carbonell, Sara González o Teresita Fernández.

Alineado a la narrativa del CENESEX, el libro de Labiosa, participante frecuente en las Jornadas de esa entidad, elude hablar del 11 de mayo de 2019, pero menciona de paso las manifestaciones de julio de 2021: «Curiosamente, miembros de la comunidad LGBT participaron en las protestas contra el gobierno cubano liderado por Miguel Díaz-Canel, en el verano de 2021, donde fueron encarceladas cientos de personas, muchas de las cuales siguen en prisión». Y se apresura en aclarar: «Las manifestaciones, que se llevaron a cabo en Estados Unidos, Europa y Cuba, fueron organizadas y subvencionadas por personas que residen fuera de Cuba. Los participantes ondearon banderas del orgullo LGBT y varios líderes llamaron la atención de noticieros de todo el mundo, pero no representan la totalidad y complejidad del movimiento LGBT en la patria».

Labiosa, a quien conocí en La Habana durante una de esas visitas, trata de simplificar la dimensión de lo ocurrido en 2021 mediante una comparación poco feliz con las protestas y represalias sufridas por quienes salieron a las calles durante los días del Black Lives Matter. El asunto es mucho más complicado y exige ir más allá en su análisis, tal y como dije a quienes intentaron etiquetar a lo sucedido en mayo del 2019 como un «Stonewall a la cubana».

El asunto es mucho más complicado y exige ir más allá en su análisis, tal y como dije a quienes intentaron etiquetar a lo sucedido en mayo del 2019 como un «Stonewall a la cubana».

Haciendo algunos ajustes mínimos, Labiosa apela a la misma narrativa que ante las cámaras de la Mesa Redonda del 13 de mayo de 2019 empleó Mariela Castro, junto a otros representantes del CENESEX para inferiorizar y demeritar a quienes bajaron desde el Parque Central hasta Malecón, movilizados por el simple anhelo de no perder el espacio público, el de la calle, tan simbólico en nuestro país, y que el propio CENESEX había ganado en su salida del clóset.

La intervención de la policía, la violencia de ese momento, la detención de varios activistas a los que ni siquiera se les permitió llegar a ese punto de convocatoria (el mismo en el cual, el 1 de mayo de 1995, marchamos algunos con la Rainbow Flag junto a activistas norteamericanos, para total sorpresa de los dirigentes  que no nos esperaban en tal acto), y la salida posterior del país de algunos a los cuales ese cerco los llevó a esa decisión tan dolorosa, es parte de un momento que no puede invisibilizarse porque sí[9].

A seis años de ese 11 de mayo, sigo sintiendo que algo se quebró ahí que no ha podido resolverse en diálogos posteriores, ni siquiera con la aprobación del matrimonio igualitario en Cuba. Bastó ese momento, frente al malecón, para desencadenar varios síntomas: la comunidad LGBTIQ, tan preterida y silenciada, podía organizarse en una aparición de ese tipo sin la anuencia oficial; el espacio de la calle podía, de pronto, ser un canal de otras demandas y símbolos.

En el libro de Labiosa, que intenta incluso reducir a un diagrama de power point el complejo proceso de lo que han vivido las personas LGBTIQ de Cuba, agradezco la aparición de algunos testimonios, porque insisto en creer que eso es lo que más necesitamos: reconocer las voces de los otros, de las otras personas que han vivido en su biografía estos años de un modo íntimo, con su dosis individual de épica, a despecho de quienes no les consideran parte de un modelo de vida donde la ideología y la moral pretenden limitar los derechos del cuerpo y el deseo.

Ello no aparece en su libro, donde hay testimonios de quienes se reconozcan como parte de ese núcleo de personas, pero no de quienes trabajan y crean fuera de los límites de la institución a la que él halaga sin recatos. Fiel al título de su libro, como si parafraseara al vuelo las célebres Palabras a los intelectuales, este es un repaso en tono generalmente didáctico a la idea de «Dentro de la Revolución LGBT en Cuba todo, fuera de la Revolución LGBT en Cuba, nada». Aunque ya sabemos que la frase literal pronunciada en la Biblioteca Nacional, no es exactamente esa.

En una línea, su autor afirma algo con lo cual, al menos, estoy de acuerdo: «El futuro de la comunidad LGBT en Cuba es incierto». Pero podemos decir eso acerca de muchas otras zonas de la sociedad cubana. Por encima de la disidencia o la normatividad del deseo, la pregunta que Cuba tiene ahora mismo ante sí y toda su sociedad incluye esa incertidumbre. Las loas a la directiva del Cenesex, escritas desde la comodidad del nuevo hotel donde se hospeda el autor, no logran disimular esas tensiones que hoy nos acompañan.

Recordar este día no es insistir en la herida abierta, en el momento incómodo, ni en la maniobra de hacerle el trabajo a ninguno de los extremos aquí enfrentados. La memoria dicta su propia noción de historia y sobrevivencia, y genera su propio activismo de cuerpos y recuerdos. En mi calendario personal, el 11 de mayo contiene numerosos significados y sobre todo, muchos nombres. Los de quienes me han acompañado en el activismo desde que aparecieron mis primeros textos y desde esa comunidad me hicieron sentir menos solo, hasta los de quienes, más allá de acuerdos y disensos, han jugado roles importantes en el rostro múltiple que ahora somos, y que tras ese 2019, el 2021, la pandemia y tantas nociones de la crisis interna y externa, multiplican estos ecos en las Cubas del mundo. En esa incertidumbre, recuerdo y vivo. Esa es la batalla. De la memoria, la del presente. Y la de nuestro futuro.

Norge Espinosa Mendoza es poeta, crítico y dramaturgo. Asesor teatral de la compañía El Público desde hace 20 años. Editor de las memorias del coreógrafo Ramiro Guerra y coautor del volumen dedicado a los Premios Nacionales de Teatro, que aún esperan por papel y tinta para ver la luz.

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The Vatican

American cardinal chosen as next pope

Leo XIV is from Chicago

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(Screen capture via 12Porte/YouTube)

The College of Cardinals on Thursday elected Cardinal Robert Prevost from Chicago as the Catholic Church’s next pope.

Leo XIV’s election took place less than three weeks after Pope Francis died at Casa Santa Marta, his official residence at the Vatican. The conclave to choose his successor began on Wednesday.

Leo XIV, who was born in Chicago in 1955, is the first American pope.

Leo XIV was bishop of the Diocese of Chiclayo in Peru from 2015-2023. Francis made him a cardinal in 2023

“We salute the appointment of the new Pope Leo XVI,” said the U.S. Embassy in Peru on X. “A celebration for the world’s Catholics, and a joy especially shared between the American people and the Peruvian people. From Chicago to Chiclayo.”

U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Calif.), a gay man of Peruvian descent, also congratulated Leo XIV.

“As a Catholic and Peruvian American, I wish Pope Leo XIV strength as he steps into his role as a global and spiritual leader,” said the California Democrat on X. “He has demonstrated that he believes in justice for the poor and immigrants. May his leadership reflect these ideals as he spreads peace across the world.”

Francis died on April 21 at Casa Santa Marta, his official residence at the Vatican. The conclave to choose the Argentine pontiff’s successor began on Wednesday.

The Vatican’s tone on LGBTQ+ and intersex issues softened under Francis’s papacy, even though church teachings on homosexuality did not change.

Francis, among other things, described laws that criminalize consensual same-sex sexual relations as “unjust” and supported civil unions for gays and lesbians. Transgender people were among those who greeted Francis’s coffin at Rome’s St. Mary Major Basilica before his burial on April 26.

The New York Times reported Leo XIV in a 2012 speech to bishops specifically cited “homosexual lifestyle” and “alternative families comprised of same-sex partners and their adopted children” when he said Western media and popular culture has promoted “sympathy for beliefs and practices that are at odds with the gospel”

Marianne Duddy-Burke, executive director of DignityUSA, a group that represents LGBTQ+ Catholics, traveled to Rome for the conclave.

She told the Los Angeles Blade in a text message from St. Peter’s Square shortly after Leo XIV’s election that she “heard him speak” last October and “found him thoughtful and gently challenging.”

“[He] hasn’t said a lot since early 2010s. [I] hope he has evolved,” said Duddy-Burke. “His commitment to synodality is a hopeful sign.”

Her group later issued a statement.

“This election appears to signal a willingness to continue building on Pope Francis’s commitment to synodality and social justice,” said DignityUSA. “We pray that the needs of those whom our church has historically marginalized, including LGBTQ+ people and their families, will continue to be heard and addressed by the Vatican and other church leaders.”

Francis DeBernardo, executive director of New Ways Ministry, a Maryland-based LGBTQ+ Catholic organization, in a statement said there is “a special pride in having the first pope from the United States, his longtime ministry in Latin America most likely had an equally formative influence on his spirituality and approach to church issues.” DeBernardo, however, criticized Leo XIV’s 2012 comments.

“We pray that in the 13 years that have passed, 12 of which were under the papacy of Pope Francis, that his heart and mind have developed more progressively on LGBTQ+ issues, and we will take a wait-and-see attitude to see if that has happened,” he said.

“We pray that as our church transitions from 12 years of an historic papacy, Pope Leo XIV will continue the welcome and outreach to LGBTQ+ people which Pope Francis inaugurated,” added DeBernardo. “The healing that began with ‘Who am I to judge?’ needs to continue and grow to ‘Who am I, if not a friend to LGBTQ+ people?'” 

DignityUSA agreed.

“We express concern with the former Cardinal’s statements — as reported in the New York Times — in a 2012 address to bishops, where he stated that Western news media and popular culture fostered ‘sympathy for beliefs and practices that are at odds with the gospel’ including the ‘homosexual lifestyle’ and ‘alternative families comprised of same-sex partners and their adopted children.'” We note that this statement was made during the papacy of Benedict XVI, when doctrinal adherence appeared to be expected,” said the organization in its statement. “In addition, the voices of LGBTQ people were rarely heard at that level of church leadership. We pray that Pope Leo XIV will demonstrate a willingness to listen and grow as he begins his new role as the leader of the global church.”

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