Editor’s note: Yariel Valdés González is a Washington Blade contributor who has asked for asylum in the U.S.
Valdés has previously described the conditions at the Bossier Parish Medium Security Facility in Plain Dealing, La., where he remains in U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody as a human rights violation. An ICE spokesperson in response to Valdés’ previous allegations said the agency “is committed to upholding an immigration detention system that prioritizes the health, safety, and welfare of all of those in our care in custody, including lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) individuals.”
The Blade received Valdés’ op-ed on June 29.
PLAIN DEALING, La. — The American dream to live in absolute freedom; safe from the threats, persecution, violence, psychological torture and even death the Cuban dictatorship has imposed on me because of my journalistic work fell apart in my hands as soon as I arrived in Louisiana. The Cubans here who are also seeking protection from the U.S. government welcomed me to the Bossier Parish Medium Security Facility with an ironic surprise. They opened their arms and told me, “Welcome to hell!”
I could hardly believe they have spent nine, 10 and even 11 months asking, waiting for a positive response from immigration authorities in their cases.
I was under the illusion that after an asylum official who interviewed me at the Tallahatchie County Correctional Center in Tutwiler, Miss., on March 28 determined I had a “credible fear of persecution or torture” in Cuba, one hearing with an immigration judge would be enough to obtain my conditional release and pursue my case in freedom as U.S. law allows. But I was wrong. The locals (here at Bossier) once again took it upon themselves to dash my hopes.
“Nobody comes out of Louisiana!” they proclaimed.
It only took a few minutes for my dream, like that of many others, to turn into a nightmare. The more than 30 migrants who arrived in Louisiana on the afternoon of May 3, coming from Mississippi after more than a month detained at Tallahatchie, were plunged into a deep depression that continues today. Only the tears under the blanket that nobody can see are able to ease my desperation for a few minutes and then I once again feel it in my chest when I think of my family in Cuba who continues to receive threats of jail and death from the Cuban dictatorship because of my work with “media outlets of the enemy.” This reality is the only thing that awaits me back there. I therefore see the situation in Louisiana and I am once again afraid. I cannot see an exit. Prisoner here, prisoner if I return to Cuba. I feel trapped.
Violation of their own laws
I realized a few days after I arrived in Louisiana the subjectivity of who makes the decisions matters, not objectivity or attachment to those who are being held. Louisiana feels like a lost piece of “gringo” geography at which nobody seems to look, or to the contrary, it is a coldly calculated strategy that triumphs on authoritarianism, abuse of power or intransigence. I don’t know what to think.
More than a few who have arrived here have come to the conclusion the U.S. has made migrants its new business. Keeping migrants in their custody for so long keeps hundreds of employees and lawyers in business, as well as generating huge profits for the prisons with which U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts. It has become clear the government prefers to waste more than $60 a day per migrant than set us free under our own recognizance.
“Louisiana is an anti-immigrant state,” Arnaldo Hernández Cobas, a 55-year-old Cuban man whose asylum process has taken 11 months, tells me. “It is not possible for any of the thousands of people who go through the process to leave victorious.”
Hernández tells me ICE agents have not met with him once during his confinement and the deportation officer has never seen him.
“I don’t know if I am allowed to have bail,” he says. “Judge Grady A. Crooks affirms that we do not qualify for this and he does not give it to those who qualify for it because they can flee. This only happens in this state because migrants in other places are released and can pursue their cases on the outside after they make bail.”
Another way to obtain conditional freedom is through parole, a benefit the federal government offers to asylum petitioners who enter the country legally and are found to have a credible fear of suffering, facing persecution or being tortured in their countries of origin.
“To grant it, ICE asks for a series of questions that relatives should send to them, but what is happening is that they don’t give them enough time to do so,” says Arnaldo.
This is exactly what happened with me.
My family managed to send the documents the next day for my parole interview, which was scheduled for the following day. ICE nevertheless denied me parole because I did not prove “that I am not a danger to society.” I am sure they didn’t even take my case seriously.
There are stories that border on the absurd because many migrants have received their parole hearing notifications the same day they should have filed their documents. One therefore feels as though ICE mocks you to your face and your feelings of helplessness reach the max.
The awarding of parole is a new procedure ICE must complete, but it does not go beyond that. They use this and other crafty strategies to “stay good” in the eyes of the law and they therefore keep asylum seekers in custody for months. They bring them to hearings they will not win, pushing for the deportation of those who do not succumb to the pressure of confinement without properly assessing the risk to their lives that returning to their native countries would entail.
ICE is required to free us a few days after it grants parole, and we already know it doesn’t want to do this. Their goal is to keep us locked up at all costs.
“The cruel irony is that the majority of asylum seekers who follow the law and present themselves at official ports of entry don’t have to ask an immigration judge for their release from custody,” declared Laura Rivera, a lawyer for the Southern Poverty Law Center, an organization that provides legal assistance to immigrants, in an article titled, “Stuck in ‘hell’: Cuban asylum seekers wither away in Louisiana immigration prisons.” “To the contrary, their only avenue to secure their freedom is to ask the same agency that detains them, the Department of Homeland Security.”
But DHS — as Rivera details in the article published by the Southern Poverty Law Center — is ignoring its mandate to consider requests for release in detail. And to the contrary it denies conditional release without justification.
“Men are kept hidden from the outside world, locked up and punished for defending their rights and are forced to bring their cases before immigration judges who deny them with rates of up to 100 percent,” affirmed Rivera.
Another of the process violations in Arnaldo’s case was he was assured where he was first detained that he could win his case along with that of his wife, “but when he came” to Louisiana the judge “told me this was not allowed, that each case is different.” Arnaldo’s life cannot be different from that of his wife because they have been together for 37 years. His wife has been free for nine months, but he remains behind bars. And so, it happens with mothers and sons, brothers and people who have identical cases. Once again, subjectivity determines a person’s fate.
During his hearing with Crooks, Arnaldo declared he feels “very uncomfortable” because he considers him an extremist.
“He said that he only recognizes extreme cases,” says Arnaldo. “Doors mean nothing to him. He describes himself as a deportation judge, not an asylum judge. In the entire time that I have been here nobody has won asylum, not even bail, only deportations.”
Conclusive proof of the judge’s extremism came one day when another judge ran the hearings and the migrants who presented their cases that morning received asylum. The example could not have been more illustrative.
Douglas Puche Moxeno, a 23-year-old Venezuelan man who has spent nine months in Louisiana, also said the detainees “did not receive more information on how the process should be followed and how one should do it.”
“I don’t know if they explained to us the ways to obtain a conditional release,” he says.
In relation to their hearings, Douglas says “the judge told me that he knew the real situation in Venezuela, but he did not grant me asylum because I am not an extreme case. He is waiting for someone to come to the United States without an arm or a leg to be accepted.”
The migrants in Louisiana are trying every way possible to be released. They have made these complaints on television stations and have even gone to Cuban American U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.).
“We have reached the point of filing a lawsuit against ICE,” Douglas explains. “A team of lawyers from the Southern Poverty Law Center have proposed a lawsuit seeking a reconsideration of parole. This is one of the most hopeful ways that we have to obtain freedom. If we are successful, the benefits will be for everyone.”
“Various protests to pressure authorities and to reclaim our rights as immigrants have been organized,” says Douglas. “Relatives, lawyers and various institutions have come together in Miami, Washington and even here in Louisiana to make ICE aware of the injustices that have been committed against us for more than a year.”
‘This is not your country’
Bossier is a jail deep in Louisiana, hidden in the woods that surround it. Each day inside of it is a constant struggle for survival that takes a huge toll on my physical, psychological and above all emotional capacities. More than 300 migrants live in four dorms in cramped conditions with intense cold and zero privacy.
My stay here reminds me of the school dorms in Cuba where we were forced to share smells, tastes and basic needs. Here we also share Hindu, African, Chinese, Nepali, Syrian and Central American migrants’ beliefs, cultures and ways of life.
My personal space is reduced to a narrow metal bed that is bolted to the floor, a drawer for my things and a thin mattress that barely manages to keep my spine separated from the metal, which sometimes causes back pain. The most painful thing, however, is the way the officers treat us. For “better or for worse,” you feel as though you are a federal prisoner.
“According to ICE, we are ‘detainees,’ not prisoners, but we have still suffered physical and psychological abuses,” says Arnaldo. “I remember one time when an official dragged a Salvadoran man to the hole for three days simply for eating in his bed. They don’t offer anything to us and they don’t talk to us, they yell. They wake you up by kicking the bed.”
“The slightest pretext is used to disconnect the microwave, the television or deny us ice, affirming this is a luxury and not a necessity,” alleges Arnaldo. “When we complain about these situations. They tell us, ‘This is not your country.'”
Smiles are not common inside the dorm. The faces of affliction and sadness predominate. Good news is almost always false and the frustration and stress this confinement causes us therefore returns.
“I feel very sad, afflicted here, as though I had killed someone because of the mistreatment that we receive, the place’s conditions,” declares Damián Álvarez Arteaga, a 31-year-old man who has spent 11 months as a prisoner in the U.S.
“Freedom is the most precious thing a human being has,” he adds. “I hope that I will receive a positive response to my case after spending so much time detained. We have demonstrated to the U.S. that we are truly afraid of suffering persecution or torture in Cuba.”
Hours in here seem to have no end: They stretch, they multiply, but they never shorten or pass quickly. Our only contact with the outside the world are telephone communications or video calls (at elevated prices) with relatives, friends or lawyers and sporadic trips to the patio to greet the son and take fresh air.
“In all of the time that I have been here, I have seen the son a few times and only for 15 minutes and this is because we have complained,” recalls Arnaldo.
The yard, as we also call it, is a small rectangle of fences and surveillance cameras with a cement surface at the center of it where some of us play soccer when they give us a ball. I roll the pants of my yellow uniform up to my knees to allow the sun to warm my extremities a bit while my eyes wander towards the lush forest that is a few meters away from me. I admire the sky, the few vehicles that are driving on the nearby highway and I take deep breaths of oxygen because I know I had just come out of the deep sea and desperately needed air to keep me alive.
“Everyday is the same here from the same food to the same activities,” says Douglas. “This prison does not have sufficient spaces to accommodate so many people for so long. We don’t have a library or family visits.”
‘Soup is currency’
My day at Bossier begins a bit before 5 a.m. With the call to “line-up,” I receive a plastic tray with my breakfast. Today is cereal day, low-fat milk, bread and a small portion of jelly. The menu is the same each day of the week. I always save part of it because there is nothing more to eat until midday.
“The food is not correct,” opines Damián. “My stomach is already used to that small portion. A piece of bread with hot sauce and some vegetables or mortadella cannot sustain an adult man, nor can it keep you in shape to resist such a stressful process.”
The last meal of the day is at 4 p.m., and because of this it is a fantasy to be in bed at 11 p.m. with a full stomach. I reduce the hunger pains with an instant soup to which I add some carrots and a hot dog that I steel for myself from the day’s meals.
Since I still have some money, I can buy soups and extra things to make Bossier’s bad food a little better. Bossier classifies those who don’t receive economic support from their families as “indigent” and they are forced to clean up for their fellow detainees in exchange for a Maruchan soup. Here soup is currency. Everything begins and ends with it, the savior of hungry nights.
“You can buy these and other things at elevated prices in the commissary, the only store to which we have access and for which we depend on everything,” says Damián.
Bossier’s medical services on the other hand are so basic that there is not even a doctor or nurse on call, nor is there an observation room for patients and consultations only take place from Monday to Friday.
“One who gets sick is put in punishment cells, isolated and alone, which psychologically affects us,” notes Arnaldo. “People sometimes don’t say they don’t feel well because they are afraid they will be sent to the ‘well.’ In extreme cases they bring you to a hospital with your feet, hands and waist shackled and they keep you tied to the bed, still under guard. I prefer to suffer before being hospitalized like that.”
Yuni Pérez López, a 33-year-old Cuban, experienced this unfortunate situation first hand. He was on the hole for six days because he had a fever.
“I felt as though I was being punished for being sick,” he says. “And even when the doctor discharged me, they kept me there. It was like being in an icebox: Four walls, a bed, a toilet and a light that never turns off. To leave from there I had to stop eating for an entire day to get the officials’ attention and they returned me to the dormitory.”
Bossier also leaves you chilled to the bone because we cannot use blankets or sheets to cover ourselves from 7 a.m. to 4 p.m. It is not a question of esthetic or discipline because the officials are not interested in whether your bed is made well. The only thing that bothers them is when we are cover ourselves from the dorm’s intense cold.
The migrants interviewed by the Washington Blade are those who have been at Bossier the longest. They are all appealing Crooks’ decision not to grant them political asylum. I have not presented my case yet, so I am still a little hopeful that I will receive the protection of the U.S. Like them, I am trying to get used to this harsh reality and be strong, although most of the time sadness consumes me and erases positive thoughts.
The U.S. to me — like for many — does not represent a comfortable life, the newest car or McDonald’s. None of this will ever be able to fill the void of my family, friends or passionate love that I left behind. The U.S. represents the opportunity to LIVE, so I will hold on to it until the end.
Underfunded, undermined & unabashedly victorious in Brazil
Country’s LGBTQ politicians are bringing diversity to democracy
SÃO PAULO — Imagine a group of 18 winners where you’ll find only one white man. The recent election in Brazil not only brought back former President Lula, but also doubled the numbers of out LGBT+ representatives in both the national and state legislatures. Out of these 18 elected officials; 16 are women, 14 are black and five are trans. There is only one white man in the group.
Women, LGBT+ and Black people have always showcased political leadership in their communities. But the path to occupy a space in Brazilian institutional politics is often violent and expensive. In recent years, many organized social movements have directed their efforts to set the agenda for public debate into the intersectional realm and support community leaders. In a poll VoteLGBT conducted in 2017 during the São Paulo Pride parade, the biggest in the world, only 45 percent of Pride participants surveyed thought that identity matters when choosing a candidate. In 2022, 85 percent believed so.
Despite the many obstacles and violence they face, Brazilian LGBT+ leaders are gaining political power, often being the most voted individuals in their states or cities. Many trans women who won big in their cities in 2020 advanced to higher positions in 2022. Four LGBT+ people (all women) were elected to congress: Three of them Black and two of them trans, a major breakthrough for LGBT+ political participation.
In Brazil, campaigns are publicly funded. Taxpayers’ money goes to parties’ leadership who can pretty much do whatever they want with it. There are rules made to fight the underrepresentation of women and Black population, but they are often corrupted by fraud.
Party leaders are often older rich white cis men who focus their efforts and financial support to old allies. LGBT+ politicians receive an average of 6 percent of the legal limit for what parties can provide to a single candidate. When interviewing 30 of those who ran in 2020, we came across three trans women who didn’t have enough to eat during their campaigns and still won their seats. Our vote is the cheapest in the election market.
Once elected, LGBT+ officials often face discrimination from their peers in the chambers, many times from their own parties. In a poll we did in 2021 we found that more than half of LGBT party members reported facing discrimination. And those who decided to report it found that there’s no accountability for LGBTphobia inside the parties.
Not to mention the constant death threats that (especially) Black and (especially) trans women face when elected or running for office. City Counselor Benny Brioly, who is Black and trans, had to flee the country in 2020 after public security forces refused to offer her protection, which was her legal right. In 2022 she kept getting death threats from a congressman, from his official Cabinet’s email. Erika Hilton and Duda Salabert, the first trans women elected for congress in 2022, had to conduct campaign activities with armed security and bulletproof vests.
It seems like the world is looking for the tools we are developing to fight extremism and LGBTphobia. International organizations have long supported many of those initiatives. The partnership and support from organizations like the National Democratic Institute and the LGBT Victory Institute have been fundamental to promote a comprehensive approach to such a complex issue.
VoteLGBT’s innovative research strategies have a political and historical importance due to the lack of ofﬁcial data about the LGBT+ population in Brazil. Research has been fundamental for us, not only to give visibility to our issues and set the agenda for public debate, but also to better strategize where to allocate resources. Since 2021 we have been investigating the parties, conducting in-depth interviews with candidates and LGBT caucus. We’ve produced a list of 327 out LGBT candidates in the 2022 election cycle with their racial and LGBT+ identity self declared. That had never been done before.
We’ve offered direct support through organizing a series of webinars, creating downloadable toolkits, conducting pressure campaigns on parties, lobbying the Supreme Electoral Court for them to produce official data on our leadership, creating a gallery with over 300 LGBT+ candidates and their priorities, and offering confidential psychological support, especially after such a violent campaign.
It would be dishonest, though, to claim any part of such astounding victories. Each of those candidates struggled to run their underfinanced and understaffed campaign, and still created strategies to reach and amplify their audience brilliantly. Also, we are not the only ones on the task. There are other organizations who are great examples and partners.
Brazil’s recent election results show us that an intersectional approach to the issue of political representation is not only possible, but potent. LGBT+ candidates earned over 3.5 million votes. Of those votes, a third went to trans women. Seven in 10 went to a Black candidate. Brazilian voters are showing us what kind of democracy they are willing to fight for. Without diversity there is no democracy.
Thank you Madam Speaker: Karen Ocamb reflects on Nancy Pelosi
Whether comforting a friend with AIDS or pointing a powerful finger at Trump, Pelosi exemplifies the humble nobility of servant leadership
WEST HOLLYWOOD – Thank you, Speaker Nancy Pelosi! Let me add my gratitude to the praise that’s poured in since Pelosi announced she would stay in Congress but was not seeking re-election as Speaker to make way for a younger generation.
In typical Trumpian fashion, CA GOP colleague Kevin McCarthy rudely absented himself as commentator after commentator – including some Republicans – called Nancy Pelosi the best Speaker in American history as she gave her “future plans” speech from the Floor of the House of Representatives.
Some commentators applauded how many extraordinary pieces of legislation she got passed – key among them ObamaCare, about which Pelosi repeatedly said: “Because of the Affordable Care Act – and I hope that every woman in America understands this – being a woman is no longer a preexisting medical condition. As a mother of five children, four daughters and one son, I’m very excited about this.”
Thanks to one of those daughters, Alexandra Pelosi, who caught her mother’s brave, caring and powerful reactions during the Jan. 6th insurrection when domestic terrorists where hunting her down, the world got to watch America’s top Congressional leadership demur to the woman who is third in line of succession as she essentially served as Acting President of the United States and helped effectuate the Constitutional transition of power from Trump to Joe Biden.
I’d met and photographed Nancy Pelosi very briefly over the years when she came to Los Angeles for an event I was covering. But after the #ResistMarch in 2018, it occurred to me that so many of the young people raising their fists in exuberant agreement with her remarks probably had no idea who she really was. I got in touch with her terrific out deputy chief of staff Drew Hammill and asked for an interview. We were slated for 15-20 minutes but she wanted to go longer.
It was May 2018. We talked about Donald Trump and his threat to democracy; the looming midterm elections; how Republicans brand her as being from San Francisco – a “coded” gay slur; the Equality Act; and her Catholicism in the context of a Church that worked hard to oppose Prop 8, calls homosexuality “intrinsically evil,” and excluded her from taking Communion in SF because of her views on abortion.
“As a Catholic, I was raised to respect every person. We’re all God’s children. In my family, there was never any question about that,” Pelosi told me. “In Baltimore, we did have a growing LGBT community—we didn’t call it that then but it was part of our lives and it was not any question that we would be any more respectful of one person than another. It wasn’t even an issue with me and I didn’t ever even describe it or associate it with Catholicism because Catholicism taught me something different. It didn’t teach me discrimination. It taught me respect. And so it prepared me very well, my Catholicism, for being a representative in San Francisco.”
“There’s no question the Catholic Church in California was a participant in Prop 8 in a negative way,” Pelosi said. “We were on the other side of that. But to me—it was their problem. It wasn’t anything that was any moral imperative to me for me to follow the Church in enshrining discrimination in the law in California.”
Ironically, in San Francisco, the Church “was more sympathetic to people when they had HIV/AIDS because they needed help then they were to people who weren’t infected. It was the strangest, strangest thing,” Pelosi said.
AIDS was – and is – deeply personal to the Speaker of the House.
“Some people criticized me for talking about AIDS on my first day in Congress (in 1987) and I realized that it was not just about getting funding for AIDS research and prevention and care but it was about ending discrimination against people with HIV and AIDS,” Pelosi told me.
More from the my cover story:
Pelosi responds viscerally when asked about losing friends. “Oh, my gosh. Oh, my gosh. A little flower girl in my wedding. My dear, dear friends in the community in San Francisco. We were going to two funerals a day. I was visiting people in the hospital all the time and quite frankly, when I say losing people,” Pelosi says, “I lost friends because I just walked away from them because they were not treating people with HIV and AIDS with respect. They would say to me, ‘I don’t know why you hire that caterer – don’t you know that everybody there has HIV?’ And I’d say, ‘Don’t bother to come to my house anymore if that’s your attitude.’ It just changed my whole view of them.”…
“I’ll never stop missing some of my dearest dear friends from then,” she says. “Of course, we went from funerals to people saying help me make out my will because this is going to end soon, to those very same people looking for a job and then wanting to get married. So, everything has improved but I would never have thought 30 years ago when I started all this in Congress that we still wouldn’t have a cure for AIDS. We’ve improved the quality of life, we’ve sustained life. Everything is better but it’s not over, not finished.”
Whether comforting a friend with AIDS or pointing a powerful accusing finger at Trump, Nancy Pelosi exemplifies the humble nobility of servant leadership with a touch of classy swagger.
Thank you, Nancy Pelosi, for representing so many of us who still haven’t found our power
Read the entire story here:
Karen Ocamb is the former news editor of the Los Angeles Blade. She is an award-winning journalist who, upon graduating from Skidmore College, started her professional career at CBS News in New York.
Ocamb started in LGBTQ media in the late 1980s after more than 100 friends died from AIDS. She covered the spectrum of the LGBTQ movement for equality until June 2020, including pressing for LGBTQ data collection during the COVID pandemic.
Since leaving the LA Blade Ocamb joined Public Justice in March of 2021 to advocate for civil rights and social, economic, and racial justice issues.
She lives in West Hollywood, California with her two rescue dogs.
Observations on the Brazilian, U.S. elections
Polls in both countries proved inaccurate
BRASÍLIA, Brazil / STEVENSVILLE, Md. — I was sitting in my hotel room in Brasília, the Brazilian capital, at 5 p.m. on Oct. 2 when the polls closed. The area around my hotel was quiet as the Supreme Electoral Tribunal began to post the election results on their website. Brazilian television stations continued their live coverage of the election that largely focused on whether former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva would defeat incumbent President Jair Bolsonaro. I was nibbling on KIND Dark Chocolate Whole Grain Clusters that I had bought at Dulles two days earlier before I flew to Brazil and sipping a glass of Brahma beer that I had poured for myself while refreshing the Supreme Electoral Tribunal’s website and listening to the reporters talk about the results. I was nervous because Bolsonaro was ahead.
I left my room at around 7 p.m. to get some dinner at a nearby mall. I ordered sushi from a restaurant in the food court. Bolsonaro was still ahead of Da Silva when I returned to my room at around 7:45 p.m., but the margin between the two men had narrowed. Da Silva soon took the lead, but it soon became clear that he and Bolsonaro would face each other in a runoff because neither of them had received at least 50 percent of the vote.
Da Silva defeated Bolsonaro in the second round of the presidential election that took place on Oct. 30. The U.S. midterm elections took place nine days later.
I arrived at Heather Mizeur’s election night party at the Kent Island Resort in Stevensville, Md., shortly before polls in Maryland closed at 8 p.m. Mizeur less than three hours later told her supporters that her bid to unseat Republican Congressman Andy Harris had come up short. The so-called red wave that so many pundits and polls predicted would elect Republicans across the country also failed to materialize.
Each country is different and the way they conduct their elections is difficult. I cannot, however, help but compare the Brazilian election and the U.S. midterms. Here are a few observations from a reporter who covered them both.
• Polls ahead of the first round of Brazil’s presidential election predicted Da Silva would defeat Bolsonaro in the first round. Polls and pundits ahead of the U.S. midterms, as previously noted, predicted Republicans would defeat Democrats across the country. Both scenarios did not happen.
• Bolsonaro ahead of Brazil’s presidential election sought to discredit the country’s electoral system. Bolsonaro did not concede to Da Silva after he lost. Former President Donald Trump continues to insist he won the 2020 presidential election. Trump also instigated the deadly Jan. 6 insurrection that took place as lawmakers were beginning to certify the Electoral College results.
• Cláudio Nascimento, president of Grupo Arco-Íris de Cidadania LGBT, an LGBTQ+ and intersex rights group in Rio de Janeiro, on Oct. 9 told me during an interview at his office that Bolsonaro would “destroy democracy”in Brazil if he were reelected. Mizeur in July described Harris as a “traitor to our nation” after the Jan. 6 committee disclosed he attended a meeting with Trump that focused on how he could remain in office after he lost to now President Joe Biden.
• Voters in São Paulo and Belo Horizonte on Oct. 2 elected two Transgender women — Erika Hilton and Duda Salabert respectively — to the Brazilian Congress. Openly gay Rio Grande do Sul Gov. Eduardo Leite on Oct. 30 won re-election when he defeated former Bolsonaro Chief-of-Staff Onyx Lorenzoni in a runoff. LGBTQ Victory Fund President Annise Parker in a Nov. 10 statement noted 436 openly LGBTQ+ candidates across the country won their races. (One of them, openly gay New Hampshire Congressman Chris Pappas, who represents my mother, defeated Republican Karoline Leavitt in the state’s 1st Congressional District by a 54-46 percent margin.)
Brazil and the U.S. are different countries, but they both have democracies that must be defended. Brazilians and Americans did just that through their votes.
Trans people: Let’s show this country who we are
“If you’re trans or nonbinary, we urge you to take the U.S. Trans Survey before it closes on its new deadline of December 5”
By Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen | WASHINGTON – We have a political climate that has exploded with anti-trans legislation, policy, and rhetoric. In the leadup to last week’s election, TV ads and political mailers spread lies about trans people, denigrating our community and stoking fear in people who simply don’t understand what it means to be trans.
Now, when there is a glaring spotlight on trans people in America, we have an opportunity to show the country who we are. Telling the truth about what it means to be trans, using real data, can counter the misinformation being spread about our community. It is important that we tell our own stories and that we are heard loud and clear.
Right now, the National Center for Transgender Equality (NCTE) and partners are conducting the U.S. Trans Survey, the largest ever national survey of the lives and experiences of transgender people. Whether you’re trans, nonbinary, or otherwise not cisgender, the time is now to take the U.S. Trans Survey before it closes. The last survey was conducted in 2015, and a lot has changed since then.
Since 2015, many states have advanced policies that ban gender-affirming care or ban trans youth from playing sports. Others have made it easier to change the gender marker on our identification to match who we are. Violence against trans people has gone up over the past several years, and we know from the data that Black trans women face a disproportionate amount of that violence.
Next week, Trans Awareness Week, we honor the loved ones we’ve lost to violence and celebrate those who are still here. We speak up loudly about the disparities we face in hopes that others will see and understand. We lift up the voices of the most marginalized in our community, understanding that together, we will all rise.
Much of the political focus right now is on trans youth – their right to transition-related care, their right to play sports with their friends, and their right to use the restroom. Now, more than ever, it is important to hear from young people about their experiences. That’s why this time around, youth as young as 16 years old can take the survey and share their stories.
There is a concerted effort by certain politicians and political organizations to deny that trans people are real. There is a false narrative that trans youth are “too young” to know that they’re trans, that people who transition at a young age, whether socially or medically, later regret it.
But we know from the data that this narrative is simply not true. A study came out in May this year revealing that for young people who socially transitioned, only two percent of them “detransitioned,” or went back to identifying as the gender they were assigned at birth. And another study published just last month found that at 98% of youth who were prescribed puberty blockers went on to be prescribed hormone replacement therapy after turning 18. Meaning, trans youth continued to be trans.
This is the importance of research. And we need this research to inform the decision makers, educators, elected officials, health care providers, and the general public about who we are and what we experience in life.
We know that trans people exist and that our lives and experiences are valid. By making this the largest trans survey in U.S. history, we can show that how strong, diverse, and how real of a community we have. And we aren’t just young people in New York and California; trans people from Wyoming to Alaska, from youth to elders; trans folks who are Indigenous, Black, Latine, white, multiracial. Every voice must be represented in the U.S. Trans Survey.
The survey in some places covers some heavy topics: mental health, experiences with religious institutions, and experiences with the police. But it also helps us reveal answers to questions like: Has having access to transition-related care improved your life? How has coming out as trans affected your mental health? Does your family accept who you are, and how does that impact you?
There are hundreds of questions in the survey to examine the details of our lives, so we recommend setting aside about an hour to take it. Tens of thousands of you already have, but we know our community is even larger. There is strength in numbers, and the more people who take the U.S. Trans Survey, the harder it is to deny that we exist and that we are real.
If you’re trans or nonbinary, I urge you to take the U.S. Trans Survey before it closes on its new deadline of December 5. Let’s show this country who we are. Let’s show them that we won’t go away.
Visit www.ustranssurvey.org to learn more and take the survey today.
Rodrigo Heng-Lehtinen is the executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality.
New Public Justice President Tom Sobol is taking on Big Pharma
In March of 2023, he is going to trial before Judge Edward M. Chen in San Francisco in a case against a California based Big Pharma giant
By Karen Ocamb | WEST HOLLYWOOD – If there is a star of the 7,359-word, June 2004 Atlantic article “Greed on Trial” about the $1.3 billion Massachusetts Big Tobacco-fee trial, it’s attorney Tom Sobol.
“Both on and off the stand, the forty-six-year-old Sobol cuts a bold figure, closely resembling Bruce Springsteen before the Boss started showing his age,” contributor Alex Beam wrote in about the recently installed Board President of Public Justice, a national nonprofit legal advocacy organization.
The intricate, complicated and fascinating story about the legal wrangling over attorneys fees following the landmark longshot 1998 victory over Big Tobacco posits Sobol as a hero, “the One Just Man in the eyes of the state’s lawyers” grounded in ethics, willing to publicly call out his former law firm, Brown Rudnick Berlack & Israels, over their corporate fee greed. Sobol, who “led all the private attorneys in the Massachusetts case,” actually asked the court to determine whether Brown Rudnick’s claim violated a rule of professional conduct that “bars a lawyer from charging or collecting a clearly excessive fee” after the $775 million arbitration award, Beam reported.
“Here was the real problem looming for Brown Rudnick: in the bloodless world of corporate law, Sobol was an unabashed crusader who exuded passion for his adopted causes” through his work as a public-interest lawyer.
Eighteen years later, Sobol is now a Partner & Executive Committee Member at Hagens Berman Sobol Shapiro LLP, the lead negotiator in court-approved settlements totaling more than $2 billion, with recent successes totaling $649.75 million in direct purchaser class settlements and named by LawDragon last February as one of the 500 Leading Lawyers in America.
For 25 years, much of Sobol’s practice has focused heavily on pharmaceuticals, pharmaceutical pricing and pharmaceutical misbehavior. On March 23, 2023, he is going to trial before Judge Edward M. Chen in San Francisco in a case against Big Pharma giant Gilead, In re HIV Antitrust Litigation, which was initially brought by AIDS activist Peter Staley.
“We allege that Gilead has been able to jump from one patented product to another patented product to another patented product by putting products together in [Pharma packaging] and thereby prevent less expensive, equally effective generic HIV drugs from being on the market in any meaningful way,” says Sobol. “And they’ve done that by, we allege, either paying off the competition by, for instance, befriending them, bringing them into a deal where they agree that they will not do licenses with anybody else, and therefore encourage that generic company to stand down on a patent challenge. Or they have done explicit agreements with some companies simply that they won’t release a generic drug if they do another business deal with them on a similar product.”
Staley was “one of the original lead plaintiffs who, among other things, was alleging at these agreements and seeking to essentially get injunctive relief against Gilead from continuing this kind of actions that delay generics. He has since had his claim dismissed out of the case for some technical standing reasons,” says Sobol, “but he still legitimately should be credited as being an originator of this case and fully behind this case.”
There is something metaphysically ironic having this Boss from Massachusetts suing a pharmaceutical company for putting corporate greed over the anguish of people with AIDS, so movingly described by New Jersey Boss Bruce Springsteen in “The Streets of Philadelphia:” “I was bruised and battered/I couldn’t tell what I felt/I was unrecognizable to myself/Saw my reflection in a window/And didn’t know my own face/Oh brother are you gonna leave me wastin’ away/On the streets of Philadelphia?”
“My father instilled in me a belief that hard work is in and of itself something of tremendous high value. My mother taught me that there isn’t anybody who you can’t find value in,” says Thomas Matthew Sobol, born January 6, 1958, in Framingham, Massachusetts.
Sobol graduated from Clark University in Worcester in 1980 and from Boston University School of Law in 1983. He then worked for Allan Hale, chief judge of the Massachusetts Appeals Court, for a year before joining Brown, Rudnick, Freed, and Gesmer where he was chair of their pro bono program, on the hiring committee, and practiced criminal and white-collar defense and civil litigation, before departing in 2000.
At his core, Sobol draws from ethics and being tougher than the rest to fight injustice.
“Earlier this year, the board of Public Justice voted approval of a strategic direction document. I see this strategic document as constitutional to this organization. And as president, it is my job to see that the board delivers on this promise,” Sobol said at the organization’s 40th Anniversary Gala last July. “At Public Justice, we see two interlocking problems that reinforce and perpetuate systems of oppression, exploitation, and inequality: predatory corporate power and ideologies of white supremacy. Together, these evils harm people and continue to warp and shape many of our laws and institutions. Some people deny that these systems ever existed or insist that they are historic relics. We believe that they are central drivers of injustice. To meet these challenges, what is Public Justice’s work? We are strategic and proactive. We are focused on changing inequitable institutions and systems, and we are driven through structured managed resource programs capable of delivering the change we seek to deliver the mission of Public Justice.”
And then there’s tilting at windmills — taking seemingly unwinnable cases without necessarily seeking a profit or even winning. “Look what Karla Gilbride (co-director of Public Justice’s Access to Justice project) achieved this year in her unanimous Supreme Court victory — that was tilting at a windmill. Who would’ve ever thought it would make sense to go to this Supreme Court on that [pro-employee] issue and have any level of success, right?” Sobol asks. “She and the rest of the team went for it and got it. Tilting at a windmill also means that you’re pointing True North — you have a true objective, a socially conscious objective, which Karla had. Over the years, I’ve tilted at my own windmills and I’ve lost more than I’ve won. But sometimes I’ve won.”
Karen Ocamb is the Director of Media Relations. She is an award-winning journalist who, upon graduating from Skidmore College, started her professional career at CBS News in New York.
Ocamb started in LGBTQ media in the late 1980s after more than 100 friends died from AIDS. She covered the spectrum of the LGBTQ movement for equality until June 2020, including pressing for LGBTQ data collection during the COVID pandemic.
Ocamb joined Public Justice in March 2021 to advocate for civil rights and social, economic, and racial justice issues. She lives in West Hollywood, California with her rescue dog, Pepper.
LGBTQ+ youth are target of a massive fear-mongering campaign
Transgender kids existing isn’t a real problem — and certainly not one at the scale which the panic mongering suggests
By Editorial Staff | LINCOLN, Ne. – With the impending midterm elections, and a view toward 2024, transgender issues have received a lot of attention in campaigns and the media recently. Particularly at question is the treatment of minors with gender dysphoria and whether or not public schools should support transgender kids.
However, the numbers don’t make sense for how much space the issue is taking up in the national conversation. Transgender kids existing isn’t a real problem — and certainly not one at the scale which the panic mongering suggests. To be clear, we at Seeing Red Nebraska fully support trans-inclusive education and policies and reject fear-mongering moral panic attacks that harm children and public schools alike.
But considering the wide attention this issue is receiving in campaign events and the media, we wanted to look into how big of a “problem” transgender identity in schools really is (spoiler: it’s not). Instead, we need to use our precious time on what actually harms children. Both parties with their rich donors benefit from keeping us distracted from the actual, big issues that might unite us in pushing for real change for all. We spend our time discussing a right-wing manufactured panic campaign that allows the GOP to attack schools and teachers at the same time as spreading trans-hate.
If one listens to right-wing moral panic campaigns, they’d be under the impression that today’s schools are overrun by children identifying as a variety of people, including as not people at all. Please note that the “furry” panic by far-right extremists is a deliberate attempt to dehumanize trans people by equating trans identity with animals.
Further, equating a sexual kink community with trans identity serves to sexualize children’s identity and portray LGBTQ individuals as sexual deviants. (Adult) kinks are not an identity, and (gender) identity is not inherently sexual.
Yet, the (completely debunked) furry panic about litter boxes in schools functions neatly to malign the LGBTQ community in general, and transgender individuals in particular, as non-human sexual perverts that target children — a narrative with a long homophobic history which, in the US, dates back to the 1800s and is also strongly informed by German Nazi propaganda in the 20th Century. And where do most children congregate outside their parent’s direct supervision?
Of course, at (public) schools, which right-wing extremists can malign as corrupting our children — sexually as well as intellectually — with the convenient side effect of also making defunding and school privatization more palatable to the public.
Our writers at Seeing Red Nebraska were curious how prevalent gender transitions among minors in the US really are.
Reuters recently published this analysis of gender dysphoria and its corresponding treatments among minors nationwide. The study found rising numbers of both gender dysphoria diagnoses and treatments for it. However, to put the numbers into perspective, according to childstats.gov, 50.7 million kids aged 6-17 lived in the US in 2021, meaning that a grand total of 0.08% of all children nationwide received a gender dysphoria diagnosis that year.
Our writers immediately wondered if this rise is due to new generations of kids being comfortable playing with gender to see what fits (which is AWESOME) and expressing themselves in all kinds of ways using gender, sex, fashion, pronouns, and other identifying tools. Trans Actual UK similarly explains the seeming rise in gender dysphoria in young people by pointing out that, thankfully, there are increasing support systems available to trans youth.
In other words, the rise in gender dysphoria diagnoses in minors can rationally be explained by increased societal awareness and acceptance of non-binary identities which allows kids to “come out of the closet” and explore their identity more freely. Further, kids with gender dysphoria now have increasing (yet still woefully inadequate due to various red tape obstacles) access to often life-saving medical intervention and social support including inclusiveness in schools.
Yet, how many minors with gender dysphoria diagnoses actually seek and receive medical treatment? According to the Reuters study, a mere 3.5% on average of children diagnosed with gender dysphoria (remember, this is 3.5% of the 0.08% of all children nationwide) in the US initiated the extremely maligned puberty blocker treatment — which is completely reversible. In 2021, the latest year for which data is available, this means that 1,390 minors NATIONWIDE started on puberty blockers.
Similarly, 4,231 minors diagnosed with gender dysphoria initiated hormone treatment in 2021 — again, this is nationwide. This constitutes an average of 11.25% over the five year course the study covers of those youth diagnosed with gender dysphoria. The discrepancy between the use of puberty blockers and hormone treatments is likely due to the limited applicability of puberty blockers (they only work for kids diagnosed and treated BEFORE the onset of puberty) and the fact that hormone therapy is often used IN ADDITION TO puberty blockers — meaning that many youth are counted BOTH in the hormone therapy graph and the puberty blocker graph.
As Reuters further notes, “[t]he ultimate step in gender-affirming medical treatment is surgery, which is uncommon in patients under age 18.” The Reuters analysis explains that many hospitals do not provide surgical intervention to minors at all, and consequently found records for only 56 genital surgeries on minors between 2019 and 2021. Unfortunately, their analysis is unclear about whether certain intersex conditions are included in this count. As to the more common “top surgery” (the surgical removal of breast tissue), the study found records for 776 mastectomies within the same time frame.
This constitutes 0.8% on average of minors diagnosed with gender dysphoria within the same timeframe (although medical treatment of gender dysphoria is a years-long process, so these individuals were likely diagnosed much earlier).
One caveat of the Reuters data is that it is based on insurance data, so that surgical procedures paid for out of pocket (or performed abroad) are not counted here. Also, the data provided is not clear on whether the count of “top surgery” includes treatment of gynecomastia (the growth of breast tissue in boys and men which can induce gender dysphoria in otherwise cis-gender males).
In general, the data suggests that surgical intervention in minors is extremely rare, and transgender individuals tend to wait until adulthood until seeking gender-affirming surgery — probably to no small degree also due to the prohibitive cost out-of-pocket, even if insurance covers a portion.
We’d like to note here that ANY medical treatment on minors for gender dysphoria requires parental consent, which sadly may be a significant barrier for at-risk transgender youth. This, of course, goes counter to the far-right extremist non-sensical claim that SCHOOLS push medical treatment on children.
Schools are obviously not medical facilities capable of either diagnosing nor offering treatment to medical conditions. And even if youth with gender dysphoria are lucky to have the support of their parents, the medical process of finding a trans-inclusive medical facility and appropriate psychologist can be daunting.
It’s incredible to see how very few children actually have these medical interventions compared to how much we hear about it from both the right and the left. Since trans kids are basically the entire conversation these days, we certainly assumed these numbers were a lot higher.
The larger point is that the numbers don’t make sense for how much space the issue is taking up. This isn’t a real problem and we need to use our precious time on what actually harms children.
For some more perspective on these numbers, the number one cause of death in children aged 0-18 is now firearms, with 3,219 children shot to death in 2020 alone (and many more injured).
Just over a week before an election that will determine student debt, abortion rights (and whether pregnant women are full people), whether we can slow the burning fire of the planet, and whether the United States of America will continue to stay a democracy, the trans issue takes up astronomically too much space in the national political conversation.
It is not that the issue is unimportant, or that it doesn’t involve a lot of distress to people, but right-wing extremists don’t want to do a single thing about that. Instead, they are going to zero in on a rare medical intervention that medical experts have decided is in the best interest of a vanishingly small percentage of children, diagnosed with a particular kind of distress, to turn trans-hate into a politically motivated moral panic issue, while major issues such as access to healthcare for EVERYONE, income inequality, and climate change apply to virtually everyone and even have indirect effects on social issues.
To some degree, liberals have contributed to this outsized attention to moral panic issues because the disproportionate nature of the debate favors the right — foregrounding and maligning a social issue affecting a minority community over the very same widespread material fairness issues that affect us all — bodily autonomy, the right to self-determination, and equitable access to medical treatment, after all, are not *just* trans issues.
Yet, here we are playing whack a mole with the litter box canard. To give the benefit of doubt, the majority of the general public wants kids to grow up unharmed and comfortable with their bodies and identity, feeling safe in their own skin.
However, extremists like to exploit that concept and turn it into something menacing instead of a healthy and normal human feeling of wanting kids to grow up confident in their bodies and their communities.
Since both political parties primarily serve the wealthy (and politicians usually are wealthy themselves now), it is necessary to find a “safe” social issue to fight over in order to differentiate themselves and to keep larger economic issues out of the discussion.
Whatever minority group of people they choose to make their battleground, people who were almost certainly always having a rough time of it to start with suffer more when this happens. But while both parties benefit from keeping us distracted from the big issues that might unite us in pushing for real change, the GOP definitely chose this debate — it allows them to attack schools and teachers at the same time as causing panic around children. Win win for them, while trans kids — and all our kids — suffer as the collateral damage.
Grindr betrays loyal users with another controversial leader
I personally stand with those who #DeleteGrindr, and I call for the parent company of Grindr, San Vincente Acquisition, to right their wrong
By Nguyen Pham| SAN FRANCISCO – It’s not difficult to see the impact of Grindr on the LGBTQ+ community. As the community’s most popular social networking app, hosting about 11 million monthly active users around the globe last year, Grindr is used across the United States to connect mostly gay men.
Its popularity is also seen in pop culture – from references in the movie “Bros” to mentions in the Netflix show “Uncoupled.” Grindr is set to go public – which is why now marks an important time to raise awareness of the controversy over the app’s new CEO.
A new leader with a dangerous past
George Arison was announced in September as the chief executive officer of the app. By appointing Arison – who is antithetical to the LGBTQ+ community – Grindr is openly betraying the millions of users who enabled the company to rise to such prominence in the first place.
Arison has come under fire for his extreme conservative political tweets – many of which leave members of the LGBTQ+ community wondering where he truly stands and where he draws the line. Arison – a self-described conservative – endorsed Michael Bloomberg in a series of tweets. Bloomberg has come under scrutiny for transphobic remarks.
At the same time, Arison has said he agrees with “some Trump policies.” But that statement opens the door to lots of questions about his stance on many policies of the former president – including those that eliminate hard-fought LGBTQ+ rights and have emboldened racism.
This is especially important given the state of our country. We have seen record numbers of anti-LGBTQ+ legislation nationwide. In fact, 2022 is set to break records, with hundreds of bills introduced across the United States.
A record of questionable leaders
Arison is far from the first controversial leader at Grindr. Former CEO Scott Chen caused internal strife and public outcry when he published a Facebook post that appeared to suggest he thinks marriage should only be the union between a man and a woman.
Arison also makes no secret of the fact that he has very little personal experience with the Grindr app. In fact, he has said that one doesn’t need to use the platform to understand its impact on the LGBTQ+ community. As the new President of SF Pride – and having worked with thousands of members of our community over the years – I find it hard to believe most people would agree with that sentiment.
A difficult decision for users caught in the middle
“Gay Twitter,” as it has come to be known endearingly by members of the LGBTQ+ community and our allies, has echoed many sentiments that resonate with my colleagues and me at SF Pride. In response to Arison’s appointment to CEO of Grindr and his now-infamous tweet about agreeing with some Trump policies, a user wrote, “Wonder which policies those are? The racist ones? The sexist ones? The anti-LGBT ones? Or the ones that make him richer (while keeping others poorer).”
Here’s the tough part for Grindr users who might feel stuck in the middle of this controversy, or for those who have had positive experience through the app and see it as an effective way to connect with others. The question becomes: should I continue to use the popular app or delete it?
I personally stand with those who #DeleteGrindr, and I call for the parent company of Grindr – San Vincente Acquisition – to right their wrong with Arison.
But that’s a tough call for many Grindr users – who rely on the popular platform to build and maintain connections. While they might not agree with the hiring decision and Arison’s viewpoints, it’s hard to deny the social benefits the app provides to users.
That’s why I suggest Grindr users who want to stay on the app consider other ways to voice their concerns and put pressure on the platform’s investors. It’s only by doing so that we can curtail Arison’s influence. In addition, let this serve as an important reminder that members of the LGBTQ+ community should consider the background and political and/or social viewpoints of leaders who head the companies they patronize.
Against our turbulent national and global backdrop, LGBTQ+ solidarity and protection at this moment are increasingly urgent and important. Whether or not you choose to #DeleteGrindr, this controversy is an opportunity to evaluate how we all choose to support and protect everyone in our community.
As the newly elected president of SF Pride, a 501(c)3 non-profit organization founded to produce the SF Pride Celebration and Parade, Nguyen Pham works to uplift, center, and protect marginalized queer lives. Prior to his election as President, he served as Vice President of the organization for one year and as Board Secretary for five.
Nguyen is also Director of Philanthropy at Frameline, a San Francisco-based heritage organization aimed at changing the world through the power of LGBTQ+ cinema. Additionally, he performs with CHEER San Francisco, the Official Cheer Team of SF, and an all-volunteer nonprofit performance group that raises charitable funds globally for community members facing life-challenging conditions. He is also the first openly-LGBTQ+ member of the Mensa Foundation Board of Trustees. Nguyen also produces and emcees national events to raise charitable funds for numerous nonprofits.
Brazil’s fake news crisis is lethal for LGBT+ community
Country’s presidential election has fueled a misinformation emergency
The Brazilian presidential election has fueled a misinformation emergency that has tipped the LGBT+ community into a boiling pot of fake news. This is part of a broader global problem and we need a global plan to stop it.
Since the beginning of this year’s election race, incumbent President Jair Bolsonaro deliberately galvanized Christian voters by framing the election as “a fight between good and evil,” repeating the scare tactics about the LGBT+ community he used in 2018. Bolsonaro’s tactics have also dragged his opponent, former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva into an outright contest of who is the true Christian among them.
Caught in the crossfire of this horrendous political battle are numerous victims including the country’s LGBT+ community. Bolsonaro has blatantly fueled misinformation about Brazil’s transgender and queer communities, claiming falsely that a Lula victory would lead to genderless toilets in schools and repeating false claims made in his 2018 campaign that the LGBT+ community wanted to promote homosexuality to children.
These allegations are not without consequence.
Brazil has the highest murder rate of transgender people in the world and life expectancy of a trans woman is only 35. In 2021, while Bolsonaro dismantled Brazil’s human rights protections, the NGO ANTRA recorded 140 murders of trans people. In this year’s election, 80 percent of trans candidates running for office reported being threatened or intimidated by far right groups. The impact is also personal. I have found that some of my closest relatives in Brazil who were previously supportive of my sexuality not only embrace anti-queer rhetoric but are also advocating against our democratic institutions. Some even told me that they would support a coup by Bolsonaro if he loses the election.
It seems hard to believe, but misinformation gets attention, no matter how absurd. For example a video stating that Lula has a pact with the devil was circulated just before the first round of voting. On election day, Oct. 2, searches associating Lula and satanism increased by 2,500 percent. Lula later posted that he never had talked to Beelzebub. This is not the sole territory of the right wing either. A few days later, an old video of Bolsonaro attending a Freemasons ceremony was shared by Lula’s team and searches for Bolsonaro and satanism increased by 5,000 percent.
This kind of campaign behavior has ill-effects well beyond voting day.
In Poland ahead of the 2019 general elections, misinformation campaigns fueled anti-queer sentiment across the country in an attempt to rally voters. This strategy was later translated into discriminatory policy with Parliament approving an “anti-gay propaganda” law. In Ghana, online and traditional media almost uniformly broadcast hate against queer people and the government is close to approving one of the world’s harshest anti-LGBT+ laws, with a concurrent spike in phobic attacks and so-called “corrective rapes.”
But LGBT+ minorities are not the only victims. We are all suffering the broader impacts of this borderless global crisis that is having a devastating effect on much wider debates including climate change, vaccination, and economic development. In a cover story in “Science” magazine, noted biologist Carl Bergstrom said misinformation “poses a risk to international peace, interferes with democratic decision-making, endangers the well-being of the planet, and threatens public health.”
We are in dangerous territory for democracy and what we really need is a global plan to stop it. The 10-point action plan recently released by Nobel Prize Laureates Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov, is a good starting point. On one hand, there is growing awareness about misinformation with calls to action to regulate social media platforms. However, as happened with climate policy in its early stages, there is still a lot to be done to define the best political responses and potential avenues for regulation.
Recently, I joined a group of researchers and advocates from around the world who see misinformation as an international crisis and are urgently working to develop the tools to fight it. We will collect the best evidence possible. We are calling for the creation of institutions to manage this global problem and to build a space for consensus-building and advice on solutions.
I sincerely hope that, in Brazil, the next government will act boldly to stop the deterioration of the information environment. However little has been said during the campaign and a bill introduced in Parliament to regulate fake news was rejected with big tech platforms declining cooperate. Brazil’s new government could make a major contribution towards ending the global information crisis and horrific attacks on the human rights of the LGBT+ community by supporting a coordinated response. There is a lot to do, but the time is now. We don’t want to look back in a few years, wishing we had done more.
Leslie Jordan gave us permission to be our queer selves
“Leslie, we are heartbroken at your loss and will miss your mirth and your inimitable spirit.” George Takei wrote in tribute
HOLLYWOOD – In 2020 drag queen Trixie Mattel mock killed off Leslie Jordan. “Do you remember Leslie Jordan?” she quipped. “Rest in Peace.” Both her co-host, Katya, and the cameraman were horrified. With sincere shock the cameraman can be heard exclaiming, “What? No!”
“No, no, I am kidding!” Trixie howled in laughter at her fake out, and the deeply pained reaction it generated.
Today, the joke is over, and the laughter has stopped. Leslie Jordan is gone.
Many will call Leslie Jordan a “gay icon”, but he is much more than that. He has been the constant television presence that gave us permission to be our authentic queer selves by whole heartedly embracing his own gayness.
He is the icon that the icons mourn. Dolly Parton, certainly in that category, said. “Well I am as hurt and shocked as if I have lost a family member. Leslie and I had a special bond, I think the world felt they had a special bond with him. I know people always say, “Oh they will be missed” but in this case, that could not be more true. He will be missed by everyone who knew him personally and by everyone who was entertained by him. Rest in peace lil brother.”
Leslie Jordan was part of our collective gay brand. While media liked, and still likes, to portray gay men with certain affectations that became cringe-worthy cliches, Leslie Jordan blew past them. His character was those presentations in their true authentic form. As Mayim Bialik told him in her podcast interview, “Your brand is YOU being you.”
As Leslie told Ellen on her show, “I open my mouth and fifty yards of chiffon comes out.”
Recently, for many in America, Leslie was the epitome of finding humor in our shelter-in-place reality. At the start of the pandemic, he had 80,000 followers on Instagram. By the end of the quarantine, thanks to his twice daily postings for 80 days, he had 5,500,000 followers. That was only the beginning—his whimsical short videos became TikTok snippets and You Tube pleasures as well.
In the broader history of television, Leslie’s appearances will stand out as a branding on any television show that wanted to make its stamp as an LGBTQ landmark. From Murphy Brown to Ryan Murphy, from Ellen’s coming out sitcom to Will and Grace, from Desperate Housewives to RuPaul’s Drag race… at one point or another, they all featured a Leslie Jordan episode. When they did, they could be assured of one thing: Leslie would steal the scene, every time.
“From the first time I saw him on an episode of Murphy Brown in 1989, he was hysterically hilarious. So grateful for the 33+ years of laughter from this deeply gifted man,” states Mark Hamill. The magic that was Leslie Jordan in 1989 can still be felt in today’s queer culture.
“A light, a joy, PURE LOVE. What a loss. Love you sweet Leslie,” mourns Drag Race’s Michelle Visage.
“What a loss, an unapologetic masterclass on how to live life!” famed drag queen Vivienne states.
“Devastated to find out that Leslie Jordan has passed. He was such a queer icon to me,” Trinity the Tuck responded to the news.
“What an angel. Gone much too soon,” gay Rom-Com trailblazer Billy Eichner states.
“Leslie, we are heartbroken at your loss and will miss your mirth and your inimitable spirit.” George Takei wrote in tribute.
Leslie was gay and adored from the beginning. He was born in Chatanooga Tennessee in 1955, and a few years later became big brother to twin sisters. “I fell out of the womb and landed in my mother’s high heels,” he said.
His family was religious with his mother getting them into church at any point where “the doors were open.” His dad was a military officer who was adored by his son, even when in Tennessee society in the 50s, it might have found little Leslie a bit much with which to deal. As his dad sat on the front porch with butch miliary friends, little Leslie’s voice could be heard from the front yard, “Daddy, daddy! Watch me… twwwwiiirrrrl!”
When Leslie was three, he wanted a bride doll for Christmas. His military Lt. Col. dad told his wife “no.” On Christmas eve, as Leslie was going on and on about how Santa would bring him his bride doll, Leslie’s mom asked her husband, “What are your going to tell him?” The next thing she heard was the back door shut.
The next morning, Leslie found a beautiful bride doll under the tree. Leslie’s dad died in a plane crash nine years later.
Leslie found ways to be himself. “In high school, you have to play the game. Nobody bothered me—nobody teased me –because I was funny. I learned to be funny to keep the bullies at bay. So nobody would tease me. But I was always waiting for that axe to fall.”
Leslie arrived in West Hollywood in 1982. As he described it, West Hollywood was a “city in crisis”. It was a time that forged his gay bravery into his persona, and gave him the spirit that would later burst through his comedic genius. “People were dropping like flies from AIDS. We were not getting any help, so we figured out very quickly we had to take care of our own. I jumped into the trenches, and I… I saw miracles. With people whose families had turned their backs on them because they found out not only that they were gay, but they had this disease, It was a real period of growth for me where some real beauty came out of that. We were all going through this together. In the gay community, we were going though that struggle all together and we came out a stronger community, a more loving community. Because we were more willing to reach out to one another. That was when I figured out that I couldn’t argue with people (about being gay), I’m not going to argue with them. I know what I know. I know what I know.”
In the past few decades, Leslie weaved his brand of out-hilarity with his own internal demons. “The dark cloud that followed me was not my homosexuality, it was depression,” he said. He found recovery and his own sense of spirituality. He related to something his friend Carrie Fisher had said: “I am a very enthusiastic agnostic who would love nothing better than to be proven wrong.”
He told Mayim Bialik, “I seek with an open heart, I would love nothing better than to believe in a Higher Power and I talk to him. Do I know for sure? I don’t think any of us know for sure. In the seeking you find your faith.” He rankled at the idea that being gay was his “cross to bear.” “No, it’s not my cross to bear! It is who I am! I am just a little open book.”
In the end, there is comfort in knowing that Leslie Jordan not only lived as his most authentic self, but he also lived his best life. He is quoted as saying recently, “I am as content as I could possibly be. What a blessing to be content with yourself.” For those of us who emulate him, that might be our great take-away. The very gay Leslie Jordan has left us with the permission to be content with ourselves, just the way we are.
That should also bring his late mother solace. She proudly accepted him when he came out to her at age 12. Her only comment was “I am concerned that you will be subject to ridicule. So. I think you should live your life quietly.”
Well. We all know exactly how well THAT didn’t work out.
Rob Watson is the host of the popular Hollywood-based radio/podcast show RATED LGBT RADIO.
He is an established LGBTQ columnist and blogger having written for many top online publications including Parents Magazine, the Huffington Post, LGBTQ Nation, Gay Star News, the New Civil Rights Movement, and more.
He served as Executive Editor for The Good Man Project, has appeared on MSNBC and been quoted in Business Week and Forbes Magazine.
He is CEO of Watson Writes, a marketing communications agency, and can be reached at [email protected] .
Arkansas Attorney General Leslie Rutledge & her “experts”
It seems telling that Rutledge relied on numbers from a largely discredited book on homosexuality written over 35 years ago
By Eric Tannehill | FAIRFAX COUNTY, Va. – In a recent video clip that has gone viral, former Daily Show host Jon Stewart interviewed Arkansas Attorney General Leslie Rutledge regarding the state’s ban on all health care for trans minors, and their defense of it in court.
Rutledge attempts to defend her position by claiming that for every expert who supports access to care, “there’s an expert that says we don’t need to allow children to be able to take those medications.” She also claimed that “98 percent of the young people who have gender dysphoria… are able to move past that and once they had the help that they need no longer suffer from gender dysphoria. 98 percent without medical treatment.”
Stewart challenges her on both these assertions, and calls them out as “an incredibly made up figure.” However, he (rightly) doesn’t dive down the rabbit whole of who the state’s “expert” witnesses were, or where that 98 percent figure came from, and why it’s completely non-credible.
First, there’s the “experts”. In the state’s court filings they cited only four: Dr. Stephen Levine, Dr. Mark Regnerus, Dr. Paul Hruz, and Dr. Patrick Lappert. All of them have clear biases, mostly based on religion.
Dr. Stephen Levine is an octogenarian professor emeritus who has never treated trans children. He makes his money acting as a hired gun for states that don’t want to provide health care to transgender prisoners. Some of the prisoners he denied care to have killed or castrated themselves using improvised implements.
In his credentials he claims to be an expert based on working with the World Professional Association of Transgender Health; the truth is that he left the organization 20 years and 3 standards of care ago, because he didn’t like the fact that trans people demanded a say in their own health care.
Dr. Paul Hruz is a pediatric endocrinologist, but has no experience with trans youth. He is a member of the American College of Pediatrics, a small SPLC designated hate group masquerading as a medical organization.
He is also affiliated with the Alliance Defending Freedom, a powerful religious-right legal organization that opposes gay marriage, abortion, and the decriminalization of homosexuality. Hruz is an active member of the Catholic Medical Association and has received certification in Healthcare Ethics from the National Catholic Bioethics Center, both of which oppose all health care for trans people on religious grounds.
He’s also said in the past that he’s okay with trans kids being hurt by the positions he takes because, “some children are born in this world to suffer and die.” Courts have rejected his testimony previously, finding him, “not qualified to offer expert opinions” on the matter.
Dr. Mark Regnerus is a sociologist notorious for producing deliberately biased, low-grade research published in low-end journals meant to sway courts against gay marriage, which was paid for by hate groups. He has zero experience working with trans youth. Courts have found his work “entirely unbelievable and not worthy of serious consideration”. He too has no experience whatsoever working with trans youth.
Finally, there’s plastic surgeon Dr. Patrick Lappert. He is no longer certified to practice medicine. He does, however, “run a Botox clinic in a strip mall in Alabama next to a Pizza Hut.” He has never worked with trans youth, nor published peer reviewed articles on them. He has, however, endorsed a book on how to perform do-it-yourself home conversion therapy on your trans child until they either pretend not to be trans or kill themselves.
None of these “experts” work with trans youth, and none of them have produced peer reviewed research on trans youth. They’re simply people who happened to have a medical license at some point in their lives and object to trans people in general, usually on religious grounds. They also get paid to do so. Thus, Rutledge saying “experts disagree”, is no different than Exxon or Chevron hauling in “scientists” from the American Petroleum Institute (API) to claim that there’s broad disagreement about climate change.
Then there’s Rutledge’s claim that 98 percent of trans youth desist without intervention. This is an oddly specific number that she doesn’t cite, because she’d look even worse if she did.
The source of the 98 percent figure comes from Dr. Richard Green’s 1987 book, “The Sissy Boy Syndrome: The Development of Homosexuality.” It’s every bit as bad as it sounds. Green always had a fascination with curing “Sissy boys” dating back to 1961. He was George Reker’s supervisor in the 1970s when Rekers was torturing gay boys to make them stop acting gay, in the belief that it would make them straight.
Later, it turned out his “success stories” ended up killing themselves, while still being very much gay. For those who don’t remember, Rekers was one of the leading proponents for conversion therapy on gays for decades, right up until he got caught on vacation with a rent boy.
Green didn’t make much distinction between gender and sexual orientation at the time. His 1987 book was basically a continuation of Reker’s work, endorsing parents enacting strict gender roles for gender variant children in hopes of making them “normal acting”.
Green’s book was written back in the days of the DSM-III, when the diagnosis of juvenile gender identity disorder was ill-defined. Under older editions of the DSM a diagnosis of gender identity disorder didn’t actually require a cross-sex identity. Playing with dolls, wearing tutus, and playing with girls was sufficient. Green and his ilk also mostly ignored girls who exhibited generally masculine traits. Thus, the 98 percent figure wouldn’t apply to trans men anyway.
The 98% figure in the book comes from the fact that based on one cohort of the 44 pre-pubertal “Sissy boys” brought in for “treatment”, only one ended up trans. Green’s book looked at 44 feminine acting kids, but didn’t account for whether or not they identified as trans, and pronounced all but 98% cured.
This is like taking 44 people with a stomachache, giving them some Tums, and declaring that Tums cured cancer 98% of the time because only one of the people died of stomach cancer, when in reality only one of them had it to begin with. Later desistance research by Kenneth Zucker suffered from the same methodological flaws.
It is also worth noting that the Arkansas law applies to medical care. Only teens receive blockers or hormones. Green and Zucker’s deeply flawed research applies to pre-pubertal youth, not to teens. Even Zucker admitted that if dysphoria lasts past the onset of puberty, it is unlikely to go away.
Thus, Rutledge either had zero idea what the research really said or was lying. Neither of which help her defense of the law. Rutledge also ignored the fact that the Endocrine Society considers blockers “completely reversible“, and that these are only administered after the onset of puberty and in the presence of persistent gender dysphoria, yet banned them anyway.
It seems telling that Rutledge relied on numbers from a largely discredited book on homosexuality written over 35 years ago, rather than far better research published last year. A 2021 study with a large cohort found that when modern diagnoses are applied using the DSM-5, and an insistent, consistent, and persistent cross gender identity is present, only 2.5% of trans youth patients end up identifying as cisgender.
Similarly, the idea that regret is common is not supported. Meta-studies put the long-term regret rates for adults at about 0.2-0.3%. This compares VERY favorably with basically every other sort of medical intervention. Rutledge also conveniently ignored the overwhelming body of legitimate experts and peer reviewed research in support of access to care, resorting to creating a false “both sides” argument.
Thus, both the experts and the 98% figure are complete nonsense, just as Jon Stewart said (but with more explanation). Using the climate change analogy again, it’s as if Rutledge had used experts from the American Petroleum Institute, who pointed to data from the 70s & 80s to say the science isn’t completely in yet, and that there’s lots of disagreement on whether anthropogenic climate change is even real. But, instead of killing the planet, she’s content to keep her goals more manageable and settle for transgender children.
Eric Tannehill is a twenty-something queer activist and university student.
Sign Up for Blade eBlasts
Health orgs distribute Fentanyl test strips & Narcan in WeHo
DeSantis education purge begins after school board takeovers
Anti-LGBTQ+ far right activist questioned in NC power outage
Kane’s Cuisine: Tangy soy-glazed meatballs
K. M. Soehnlein’s Army of Lovers, a review
Biden outlines plan to renew fight against HIV/AIDS
Portrait of Matthew Shepard dedicated at National Cathedral
Charlie Kirk smears Out Calif. State Sen. Scott Wiener on Twitter
Anti-LGBTQ+ far right activist questioned in NC power outage
Rep. Raul Ruiz calls for ending IRS rule for same-sex couples
AIDS and HIV4 days ago
Biden outlines plan to renew fight against HIV/AIDS
District of Columbia4 days ago
Portrait of Matthew Shepard dedicated at National Cathedral
Politics4 days ago
Charlie Kirk smears Out Calif. State Sen. Scott Wiener on Twitter
North Carolina14 hours ago
Anti-LGBTQ+ far right activist questioned in NC power outage
Congress4 days ago
Rep. Raul Ruiz calls for ending IRS rule for same-sex couples
Sports5 days ago
World’s largest LGBTQ sporting event returning to Las Vegas
Noticias en Español5 days ago
Indocumentadas: la realidad de las personas trans en Honduras (parte I)
Asia5 days ago
Japanese court: Ban on same-sex marriage constitutional
Notables1 day ago
First openly gay GOP former member of U.S. House dies at 80
California4 days ago
Newsom to hold oil industry accountable for price gouging