Tuesday’s primary races in Florida, Alaska, California, and Wyoming saw a mix of establishment versus insurgent on the Democratic side and right versus far right among Republicans, suggesting that the power of lame duck Donald Trump’s endorsement is apparently waning.

In Republican primaries in Wyoming and two congressional districts in Florida, only 28% of the nearly 300,000 voters followed Trump’s orders, “marking a particularly brutal night for Trump-endorsed candidates,” CNN reported.

That brings to 10 the number of Trump-backed candidate losses for statewide office or Congress this primary season, “equal to the number who lost in 2018, 2020 and 2024 primaries combined, according to a CNN analysis using Trump endorsements compiled by Ballotpedia.”

Ironically, Tuesday night also saw development in a primary of deep interest: Trump-appointed Sen. Darline Graham, sister of the late rumored-to-be-closeted Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham, face-planted in a debate against primary runoff opponent, Rep. Ralph Northam, before next Tuesday, Aug. 25’s special runoff election in South Carolina.

Conservative debate moderator Greta Van Susteren asked the candidates about Taiwan, a democratic island of 23 million people that the Chinese Communist Party intends to “unify” with China. “Are Taiwan and the South China Sea national security issues for the United States? If so, why?”

“I’m not … that informed on national security, so — but I do support the military,” Graham said. “National security is not my thing, not my area of expertise, but I do support the military.”

Northam said that “Taiwan’s a definite ally,” but, CNN reported, he applauded Trump for “enabling Taiwan to defend itself against China.”

Trump’s response to Tuesday night’s primaries was to take the press corps on an impromptu tour of the new White House driveway, paved with California-mined white granite described as a “very special stone” that leads effortlessly to the now almost $900 million ballroom – which he describes as “the military complex” – where construction continues despite a court order to stop. The tour also included the newly flat helipad on the South Lawn.

Meanwhile, pundits are filling up cable and internet airtime asking, “Who, exactly, is Natalie Harp to Donald Trump?” The New York Times featured an extensive consideration of Trump’s 35-year-old blonde constant companion dubbed his “human printer.”

But for those focused on gas prices, affordability, the war in Iran, and polls showing Trump’s historic disapproval ratings and the disaffection of MAGA voters, dissecting political trends in the face of fast-approaching midterms is like analyzing code showing a growing tsunami on a funky old laptop.

LGBTQ+ Floridians hoped voters would send a Black gay man to the U.S. House. Three were on the ballot – Shevrin Jones, Kendrick Meek Jr., and Elijah Manley – but the congressional hopefuls were each defeated.

Jones, a Florida state senator, lost narrowly to Oliver Gilbert III, a Miami-Dade County commissioner, in the race for the Democratic nomination in the 24^th Congressional District. Rep. Frederica Wilson, retiring after eight terms, endorsed Gilbert as her successor. Jones secured 32 percent of the vote to Gilbert’s 34 percent in a field of seven candidates that included Meek, son and grandson of former U.S. representatives, who finished with 17 percent.

Te Mayonna Brown, who touts “traditional values” on her campaign website, was unopposed for the Republican nomination. But since the South Florida district is one of the few still safely Democratic after Republican-led redistricting, Gilbert is expected to win in November.

Jones congratulated Gilbert and pledged support. “Looking ahead to November, I’m committed to doing everything I can to help elect Democrats up and down the ticket. The stakes are too high to sit on the sidelines, and I’ll be out there campaigning and organizing for our candidates because our shared values are worth fighting for, in this race and every one that follows,” he said in a statement.

Jones was hit with a homophobic attack during the campaign. A text message, falsely claiming to be from the LGBTQ+ rights group Equality Florida, falsely claimed that Jones is HIV-positive and was turned away from donating blood, despite the lifting of the national ban on blood donations by gay and bisexual men three years ago.

In the Democratic primary for Florida’s 20^th Congressional District, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, a longtime congresswoman and LGBTQ+ ally, defeated Manley and three others. Wasserman Schultz currently lives in and represents the 25th District. But Republican redistricting put her in the 22nd District, which is Republican-leaning. So Wasserman Schultz, who is white, decided to run in the heavily Democratic, majority-Black 20th District in South Florida, which has been represented by a Black Democrat for more than three decades.

Though Wasserman Schultz had allies, Politico reported that “the Congressional Black Caucus warned that as many as 19 of its members could be out of a job come November given efforts across the South to weaken Black voting power through redistricting, in part after the Supreme Court dismantled key provisions of the Voting Rights Act.” Wasserman Schultz will face Brent Andersen, a conservative businessman, who won Tuesday’s Republican primary in the district.

After his loss, the inspirational Manley posted on X, “We came up short in our race for Congress, but I’ve never been more fired up for the future. This campaign and this district have been through so much change and turmoil.” He congratulated Wasserman Schultz on her win, adding, “She has the important task of trying to unite a community that is divided.”

In another key Florida race, intensely Trumpian anti-LGBTQ+ U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds won the Republican nomination for governor to succeed the term-out, notoriously anti-LGBTQ+ Gov. Ron DeSantis. Donalds will be up against David Jolly, a former conservative Florida Republican congressman who became an independent, then a Democrat. His campaign website praises diversity, calling for “a Florida for everyone,” which “means ensuring that every person, regardless of where they were born, the color of their skin, who they love, or who they worship, has the chance to live with dignity and feel like they are part of the future of this state.”

Instead of addressing affordability issues in the expensive state, Donalds seems to be centering his campaign on attacking Jolly over his support for trans youth, including an ad that The Poynter Institute’s PolitiFact calls “deceptively edited.”

Instead of avoiding the attack while speaking in The Villages, a renowned Trump-supporting retirement community, Jolly addressed the anti-trans ad directly. He noted that Donalds’ $25 million ad “doesn’t once mention Trump’s economy, doesn’t once mention the cost of housing or healthcare, or the cost of food or gas.”

“You know what he spends it on? To attack the LGBTQ+ community,” Jolly said. “It is shameful. What kind of leader divides people?”

Donalds calls Jolly “a Trojan Horse for the Democrat Socialists of America.” Jolly retorts that he’s “running for governor because life is too expensive. Floridians are worried about the cost of housing, healthcare, food, and gas — not the color of their sidewalks or the governor’s opinion on their personal life.”

In a special primary for the U.S. Senate from Florida, Ashley Moody, who was appointed by DeSantis when Marco Rubio became Secretary of State, easily won the Republican nomination. She’s another Trump ally.

On the Democratic side, democratic socialist Angie Nixon, a Florida state lawmaker, scored a shocking win over Alex Vindman, a military veteran and national security expert who was a key witness in Trump’s first impeachment trial.

“It’s hard to overstate how shocking Nixon’s victory was,” Punchbowl News AM reported Aug. 19. “Vindman garnered national attention — and an army of small-dollar donors — after testifying in the Trump impeachment proceedings. He spent $9 million total by the end of July. Nixon spent less than $900,000.”

In Wyoming, State Sen. Eric Barlow, described by The New York Times as “a mainstream conservative,” won the Republican nomination for governor over two farther-right opponents, Megan Degenfelder (endorsed by Trump) and Brent Bien. Barlow had voted for some anti-transgender bills, but an attack ad accused him of not being anti-trans enough. Kenneth Casner was unopposed for the Democratic nomination. This is his third try, but Wyoming is solidly Republican and conservative, even more so than when it was the site of the hate-motivated murder of gay man Matthew Shepard, beaten and hung on a prairie fence in 1998 , and despite the surprising pro-LGBTQ+ conversion of conservative Rep. Liz Cheney in 2021. There are Republican supermajorities in both houses of the legislature, and the number of Democratic lawmakers has been diminishing since the 1990s.

Trump-endorsed Harriet Hageman easily won the Republican primary for the U.S. Senate to succeed fellow GOPer Cynthia Lummis, who’s retiring. James Byrd II, a former state representative, won the Democratic nomination, but he’s a long shot for the general. He’s the son of Wyoming’s first Black woman legislator, Liz Byrd, and Cheyenne’s first Black police chief, James Byrd. (The family is not related to Texas murder victim James Byrd Jr., for whom the federal hate-crimes law is named, along with Matthew Shepard.)

For the state’s one U.S. House seat, Wyoming Secretary of State Chuck Gray won the Republican primary and will face Democrat Lisa Kinney, a former state senator, in November. Another Republican victory is expected.

But things may be changing in another deep-red state, Alaska. It has a unique primary system in which the top four vote recipients advance to the general election, regardless of party, and the general election is decided by ranked-choice voting—voters rank candidates in order of preference.

For U.S. senator from Alaska, Republican incumbent Dan S. Sullivan and Democrat Mary Peltola, a former congresswoman, have clinched top spots in the November election. With 80% of the vote counted as of Aug. 19, Sullivan has 56,717 votes (42.7%) to Peltola’s 63,810 votes (48.1%).

Sullivan has a poor record on LGBTQ+ rights, while Peltola is an ally. The other two spots remain to be decided. One of the candidates, Republican Dan J. Sullivan, has been accused of being a decoy to draw votes away from the incumbent. For the state’s sole U.S. House seat, incumbent Republican Nick Begich and independent Bill Hill have clinched slots in the general election, with the others, again, not yet decided. Democrat Matt Schultz suspended his campaign for the seat and endorsed Hill, but Schultz was still on the ballot.

For governor, two Democrats, former state legislators Tom Begich and Jonathan Kreiss-Tomkins, clinched spots in the top four Tuesday; the other slots were yet to be called late in the evening. The current governor, Republican Mike Dunleavy, couldn’t run again due to term limits.

Finally, in California, there was a surprisingly close runoff to decide who will serve the remainder of disgraced Democrat Eric Swalwell’s term in the 14^th Congressional District. Swalwell resigned the Bay Area seat in April after he was accused of sexual assault. With all precincts partially reporting late Wednesday, the race remained too close to call between two Democrats – Aisha Wahab, California’s progressive first Muslim woman state senator, who has 33,399 votes (51.0%), and moderate BART board president Melissa Hernandez, who has 32,043 votes (49.0%).

As with other close progressive versus moderate Democratic primary races, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s (AIPAC) super PAC caused controversy. In this race, Hernandez has said neither AIPAC nor any other donor drives her agenda.

Politico’s California Playbook PM reported Aug. 19, however, that Wahab believes that the race tightened after AIPAC and other groups targeted her due to “prejudice and racism” after she refused requests from veteran lawmakers “to go along with a plan from leaders of California’s Democratic House delegation to elect a temporary caretaker” to quickly fill the seat in the divided Congress. Wahab refused requests from veteran lawmakers, including former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Democratic Caucus Chair Peter Aguilar.

That pissed off Rep. Zoe Lofgren, the longtime chair of California’s delegation, who on Monday “made her animus explicit, releasing a video accusing Wahab of saying, ‘What’s in it for me?’ in response to the caretaker plan,” Politico reported.

“Wahab, in a statement attributed the race’s thin margins to that onslaught, saying, ‘Nearly $10 million in outside money and relentless smears made this race close,’” Politico reported. “While Wahab rarely talks about Israel or the war in Gaza, AIPAC’s involvement has turned the race into yet another national proxy fight between AIPAC and progressive forces supporting Wahab, including Our Revolution and the Working Families Party.”

No matter which Democrat wins the runoff, they will face each other again in November to compete for a full term, as both advanced from the top-two California primary.

By Trudy Ring and Karen Ocamb

This is a cross-post from Karen’s LGBTQ+ Freedom Fighters Substack.

New York City lawmakers are pushing to repeal a decades-old prohibition on adult bathhouses, arguing the regulation was created during the height of the AIDS crisis and no longer reflects modern science or public health practices.

Erik Bottcher, the openly gay New York state senator who represents the 47th District that includes the Upper West Side, Chelsea, Hell’s Kitchen and portions of the West Village in Manhattan, is leading the charge to remove the decades-old ban. (Openly gay state Assemblymember Tony Simone has sponsored the repeal bill in the New York State Assembly.) Bottcher sat down with the Los Angeles Blade to discuss why he is advocating for more bathhouses in New York City.

“This is simply about ensuring that our public health policy is in line with today’s science,” he told the Blade. “The prohibition on adult bathhouses was put into place in 1985 at the height of the the AIDS epidemic, when there was very little information, very little treatment options, few treatment options, and great deal of fear. Science has changed. Treatment has changed, and the laws need to change too.”

The proposed legislation would direct the New York State Department of Health to repeal the 1985 regulation and establish a new framework for regulating bathhouses.

“Municipalities around the country and all around the world allow for adult bathhouses. There’s no reason why New York City alone needs to maintain this outdated prohibition. Our bill orders the New York State Department of Health to strike the 1985 regulation and replace it with a regulated public health framework that’s grounded in science.”

Under the proposal, bathhouses would operate as licensed and regulated facilities subject to health and safety standards. Backers of the proposal say that framework could also give public health officials greater access to people who may otherwise be difficult to reach through traditional health care settings.

“What the Department of Health would do is work with public health experts and advocates to develop a regulatory framework that allows licensed regulated facilities to operate under clear health and safety standards — and under this — it would allow public health agencies to have greater opportunities to provide STI and HIV prevention resources, connect people to testing and treatment, conduct instructions, and address legitimate health concerns.”

Supporters of the repeal also argue banning bathhouses does not eliminate the sexual activity that takes place in them or elsewhere. Instead, they say, it pushes those activities into the shadows, where public health officials have fewer opportunities to provide life-saving services that include STI and HIV testing.

“This is also about a safer alternative than pushing activity into unregulated settings where there’s little opportunity for public health engagement because these activities are happening, but they’re happening in the shadows,” Bottcher continued. “We know that the best public health policy is to establish clear public safe public health guidelines that allow for public health intervention.”

Demetre Daskalakis, a physician and longtime HIV prevention advocate who has worked to create sexual healthcare opportunities in bathhouses, also worked with Bottcher on the proposal. 

Daskalakis was a high level Centers for Disease Control and Prevention employee until 2025, when he left federal health landscape after the Trump-Vance administration ousted then-CDC Director Susan Monarez. There he worked as director of the National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases and was director of the Division of HIV Prevention at the National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STD, and TB Prevention.

Daskalakis explained his experience has shown him the potential for these spaces to become points of contact for people who do not regularly access traditional health care.

“I’ve seen what happens when you push sex into the underground,” he said. “From my perspective, this is a great opportunity to be able to reach people who really will not come to normal clinical care and won’t go to normal routine places for testing or screening.”

“As a public health person, I look at it as a great opportunity,” added Daskalakis. “If there’s like regulation of those venues, and if there’s like a prevention plan that sort of sprouts in those places with really solid public health and clinical partners, I think it’s a great opportunity for public health good.”

Daskalakis said a regulated bathhouse could offer more than HIV and STI testing, potentially creating spaces where people could access prevention medications and other health services.

“The bottom line is if there is a good relationship between the government and the venues, we can develop spaces in the venues to actually deliver services,” he said. “It’s not just infectious disease services — I mean yes, you can do HIV testing, STI testing. You can provide doxypep and pre-exposure prophylaxis for people who are HIV negative and at risk for HIV.

“As an example, at Callen-Lorde Community Health Center (in New York City), where I’m the chief medical officer, we developed a prevention pack in a very low threshold way. We gave people enough doxypep and prep to get through Pride. You can also have Narcan and other things to reduce the risk of overdose.”

Daskalakis said that approach reflects what public health should be striving for: meeting the community where they are.

“If you have this sort of relationship with the government that’s not antagonistic, and the government, as New York is one to do, provides some regulatory oversight to these venues, I think what you’re going to have is a place that supports LGBTQ culture — which also which does include sexuality, and also creates a platform to be able to do like very solid prevention work.”

The public health landscape surrounding HIV has changed dramatically since the bathhouse regulation was adopted, Daskalakis said, pointing to advances in treatment and prevention.

“The bottom line is that HIV treatment and prevention have really converged. If you are someone living with HIV and you’re on HIV medicines and your viral load is undetectable, you don’t transmit HIV. That’s called undetectable is equal to untransmittable, or U = U. People who are on prep also have very low risk of acquiring HIV, and so you know the world is very different,” he said.

“Back in the 80s, when there was no way to impact transmission of HIV because we didn’t have effective ways to prevent it — or didn’t know very much about it at that point. It’s a very different world where we know a lot about HIV and have a lot of tools to be able to prevent transmission. Same with STIs,” added Daskalakis. “If you create a holistic strategy for prevention that is sex positive and aligned to these venues, you’re going to prevent HIV and STIs. Period.”

For supporters of the legislation, that public health argument is central to the effort to repeal the ban. Bottcher also sees the proposal as a way to restore LGBTQ+ community spaces at a time when many queer venues have disappeared and social interaction increasingly takes place online.

“In this era of social isolation created by social media and streaming services, people are desperate for third spaces,” Bottcher said. “Places for people to come together in person, to be together in person. That’s what this would help provide.”

Daskalakis echoed Bottcher’s point that bathhouses could transform from underground, tabooed spaces into venues that combine sexual health services with broader LGBTQ+ culture.

“When you make them illegal, they become seedy and dark. When you make them something that is allowed, they actually then become sites that may have sex on premises but also support other sorts of cultural things, and in a universe where people are trying to make LGBT folks seem invisible, creating a safe space for them is exactly what we need right now.”

That community-space argument is also tied to health disparities, Bottcher said, arguing that greater access to health education and prevention services could help people who are less likely to seek care through traditional medical settings.

“Creating opportunities for in-person public health education, prevention, treatment that will help improve health outcomes when you push people into less safe settings without any opportunities for education, prevention tools, or treatment. That’s when we see these disparities, these health disparities grow. So it’s very important that we be laser focused on opportunities to address these disparities and reduce them.”

He continued, explaining the proposed change is ultimately about updating public health policy as medical science evolves, just as other practices are updated when new information comes out.

“This is a matter of an outdated public health regulation and the government has a responsibility to continually revisit its public health regulation and ensure that they’re in line with modern day science,” Bottcher said. “Science and healthcare are continually evolving, and the HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment landscape has changed tremendously in the last few years. Our public health regulations need to keep pace with science.”

For LGBTQ+ New Yorkers who lived through the AIDS crisis, however, changing the policy could carry a different meaning.

Bottcher says the experiences of those who lived through the epidemic — one that killed nearly 300,000 gay men since the 1980s — should inform how any new system is implemented, rather than being dismissed.

“These are in order to help prevent the spread of HIV and AIDS and other STIs,” Bottcher said. “We have to bring people engaging in these activities out of the shadows and into safe settings that provide the opportunity for public health entities to engage with education, treatment, prevention — that’s what this would do.”

Daskalakis said those concerns should be approached through what he described as trauma-informed care.

“My response is that of trauma-informed care,” Daskalakis said. “We have totally been through it, but we need to sort of move past the trauma and realize that the science has changed. I’s not it’s not the ’80s anymore, but we definitely need to look at those folks who have gone through the experience (of the HIV/AIDS crisis) to make sure that what we’re building, from a public health perspective, are effective programs.”

“There’s a great opportunity to learn from folks with experience rather than to alienate them,” he added.

Bottcher also pointed out this policy revision and effort to bring regulations in line with modern science is not only happening in New York. Multiple other cities across the U.S. have moved away from bathhouse prohibitions.

“Minneapolis just passed their ordinance in June,” he said. “San Francisco, despite the fact that they repealed their prohibition some years ago, they are still working to change the policy … However, around the country, even in red states, they have bathhouses … and they haven’t presented a detriment to public health in any way.”

The proposed change could also revive a part of New York’s LGBTQ+ cultural history, Bottcher said.

“Bathhouses were a big part of gay culture for decades. We all know the legendary stories of Bette Midler and Barry Manilow performing at the Continental Baths. I envision a resurgence of bathhouse culture that includes things like live music, arts, and entertainment. So it’s exciting to think about.”

And if that resurgence happens, Bottcher already has a dream performer in mind to be the first to take the stage.

“Oh, that’s such a good question … Cher.”

Daskalakis picked a similarly essential female singer of gay culture that he’d like to see in the bathhouses of today.

“I feel like my list could be so long, but I think that would be a great place for Madonna.”

The debate over New York’s bathhouse regulation ultimately reflects a broader question about how public health policy should respond as science, medicine, and LGBTQ+ communities change.

For Bottcher, regulation, rather than prohibition, would give health officials more opportunities to provide prevention and treatment while allowing LGBTQ+ people to gather openly.

For Daskalakis, the central lesson from his extensive healthcare work in bathhouses is that pushing sexual activity underground will make public health outreach more difficult — the opposite of what the government and healthcare providers should be doing.

“The opportunity to create safe spaces means that we’ll have more opportunities to reach people, not just for public health, but for so many other things … The strategy of banning things that are natural really doesn’t tend to help you very much. It ends up creating misalignment between the community and policymakers.”

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth on Monday used an anti-transgender slur while campaigning for U.S. Rep. Zach Nunn (R-Iowa), drawing attention to the Trump-Vance administration’s ongoing efforts to restrict trans people from serving in the military.

“At the Department of War, we do training, not t***nies,” Hegseth said, according to the Iowa Capital Dispatch, which first reported the remarks.

Hegseth made the comment at JR’s SouthPork Ranch at the Iowa State Fair, where he joined Nunn for a rally. The remark came as Hegseth discussed his priorities for the military and argued that the department’s focus should be on military readiness rather than issues of race or gender.

In the same speech, Hegseth claimed that the military operates without regard to race or gender.

“Training, lethality, accountability, discipline, readiness — the bedrock of what it means to be an American warrior — is the only focus of our department,” Hegseth said. “Colorblind, gender-neutral, merit-based. That’s it.”

Hegseth’s remarks come as the Trump-Vance administration continues its efforts to restrict trans people from serving in the military.

Since President Donald Trump returned to the White House, his administration has moved to remove trans service members from the military while also taking steps to prevent trans people from joining.

Trump signed “Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness” in January 2025, which attempts to bars trans individuals from serving or enlisting in the U.S. military, citing “military readiness” as the reason, despite there being no factual basis for the ban. The policy has been challenged by LGBTQ+ advocates and military service members, who argue there is no evidence that trans service members undermine military readiness.

Earlier this year, Hegseth made headlines again over the administration’s contradictory approach to hormone therapy, as the military moved to restrict gender-affirming hormone treatment for trans service members while encouraging cisgender military members to receive hormone therapy for “low T,” or testosterone.

The administration’s policy has faced a series of legal challenges from trans service members and advocacy groups.

In June, a federal appeals court panel ruled the administration could not discharge the trans service members who brought one of the lawsuits challenging the ban while their case continues, providing a moment of relief amid the administration’s ongoing efforts to restrict trans military service. The Trump-Vance administration has asked the U.S. Supreme Court to review that ruling and, in the meantime, keep it from taking effect.

The Los Angeles Blade reached out to the Pentagon for comment on Hegseth’s use of the slur, but it did not push back on his choice of words.

“We have nothing further to add beyond the secretary’s remarks,” the statement read.

On Chicago’s West Side, the ballroom scene doubles as a lifeline for LGBTQ+ youth.

Every week, teens are drawn into TaskForce Prevention & Community Services for its popular Vogue School. Once there, they then have access to a variety of resources like housing support, a food pantry, fresh produce, and mental health services.

For many, it’s the only affirming environment in their neighborhood.

“We’re located here in Austin, and there isn’t really any other LGBTQ+ youth program like us on the West Side,” said Reyna Ortiz, program director at the nonprofit. “It’s special because young people don’t have to go Downtown or to the North side to feel like they belong here.”

Ortiz’s perspective underscores a long-standing reality that access to LGBTQ+ youth resources often depends on your zip code.

The city’s largest LGBTQ+ institutions have a prominence on the North Side, which is home to LGBTQ+ enclaves like Northalsted and Andersonville. This can leave queer youth on the South and West sides having to face longer commutes and other barriers when trying to access affirming services.

And when queer youth don’t have these kinds of resources nearby, it can create gaps that shape their health, education and economic futures. But North Side-based institutions—as well as smaller LGBTQ+ orgs on the South and West sides and some citywide organizations—are working to fill these gaps.

Two of Chicago’s largest LGBTQ+ organizations, the Center on Halsted and Howard Brown Health’s Broadway Youth Center, are both situated on the North Side.

At Center on Halsted, 3656 N. Halsted St., youth and family programming spans drop-in spaces, leadership and mentoring opportunities and support groups for LGBTQ+ youth.  statewide LGBTQ+ hotline provides additional access for young people beyond its Lakeview base.

CEO Joli Robinson said the Center has been intentional about expanding youth programming beyond the North Side through partnerships with other LGBTQ+ organizations and by introducing programs to its South Side location, the Center on Cottage Grove, 6323 S. Cottage Grove Ave.

“A week or so ago, we started our first drop-in space at the Center on Cottage Grove, which has been a priority for us over the past year and a half that I’ve been with the organization,” Robinson said. “We also partner with organizations like Chicago House and Life is Work, … and work to strengthen relationships with the GSAs in schools and PFLAG organizations that exist on the South and West sides.”

These kinds of collaborations are crucial to reaching LGBTQ+ youth in all neighborhoods of Chicago, Robinson said.

“These are organizations that they may already have a strong relationship with, and by deepening our partnerships with them, we’re leveraging the expertise of people who are in these neighborhoods to make sure we’re working in collaboration,” Robinson said.

The Broadway Youth Center, 1023 W. Irving Park Road, serves LGBTQ+ youth ages 12 to 24, particularly those experiencing homelessness or housing instability. It provides integrated medical and mental health care, sexual and reproductive health services, case management and mental wellness support.

The Broadway Youth Center’s drop-in space also offers meals, clothing, showers and other essentials, while cultural programming like art and dance provides additional affirming outets.

Both organizations state their programs are open to youth citywide and emphasize outreach through hotlines, housing services and broader support networks. 

Still, their physical bases on the North Side mean that young people in other parts of the city often face barriers to access them.

“And we don’t want transportation to be a barrier for individuals,” Robinson said. “We don’t want location to be a barrier for individuals to participate in some of our programming, so it really is incumbent upon us to be very strategic and think creatively about how we engage the full city.”

TaskForce is among the organizations working to fill these gaps.

Based in Austin on the West Side, the nonprofit offers youth services that are culturally specific, including housing support, food access, and sexual health testing.

Equally as important is TaskForce’s Vogue School, which uses voguing and ballroom culture to strengthen community and encourage self expression.

“Ballroom is important because it’s the one place where they can showcase their talents, where they can showcase who they are without any type of restrictions, without any type of judgment,” Ortiz said. “Ballroom and vogue are how our kids see themselves celebrated. It’s culture, it’s community, and it’s also leadership development.”

Ortiz said TaskForce also provides a steady presence in a neighborhood where resources are limited.

“We are consistent, we are here, we are present and we are open,” Ortiz said.

TaskForce is also home to PrEP 4 Teens, a citywide program focused on HIV prevention and sexual health among youth. While it’s open to teens across Chicago, staff said they are especially focused on reaching those on the South and West Sides who often face the steepest barriers to access.

“We’re looking to collaborate more with agencies, both in the south and west side of Chicago,” said program lead David Gauna. “We know those are the young people who need us most.”

That focus reflects the larger imbalance in the city.

“It’s about equitable access,” said Jim Pickett, one of the program’s organizers. “And so there’s a real lack of equity throughout Chicago, and we could certainly have a much more equitable distribution of opportunities.”

PrEP4Teens was shaped by youth themselves, Gauna added.

“Young people created this,” Gauna said. “They decided the colors, the imagery, the language. They said, ‘We don’t want this to be medical. We want this to be something fun. We want this to be engaging.’”

That youth-driven design is what makes it resonate, said Skai Underwood, who also runs PrEP4Teens. 

“We try to meet youth where they are, and culture is part of that,” Underwood said.

Schools can also play a part in filling these gaps on the South and West sides.

“I think that there’s a great opportunity for schools to be like the glue that brings everything together,” said Julio Flores, program director for the Alliance, which promotes school safety for LGBTQ+ youth through advocacy, education, youth programming and research.

For some students, he said, school-based GSAs are the only affirming space they have. 

“A GSA can be the only affirming space a young person has,” Flores said.

And those spaces can change a student’s trajectory, he added.

“When young people can lead a GSA, they’re not just building community, they’re building the skills they’ll use in college, in jobs and in life,” Flores said.

The gaps in geography don’t just shape whether young queer people can find community. They also shape whether they’re set up to succeed.

At TaskForce, Ortiz said success often begins with visibility. Young people who first came in for the Vogue School or drop-in services have gone on to train as medical assistants and phlebotomists.

“Some of our youth that frequent the Vogue School start to volunteer. Then we hire and train them, and now they’re building careers,” Ortiz said.

For youth involved with PrEP 4 Teens, growth is just as tangible.

Gauna said teens were engaged in a program that empowered them to build the look, feel and voice of a PrEP awareness campaign. By the end of the cohort, youth who had once been too shy to speak were leading workshops, presenting artwork and giving speeches.

“They started off super shy… and by the end they were showcasing what this program had done for them — not just to take charge of their sexual health, but to feel a lot more confident in themselves,” Gauna said.

Pickett tied those individual transformations back to the bigger picture.

“So many queer young people of color don’t necessarily have many safe spaces throughout the day in their lives,” he said. “Providing these opportunities to engage with other young people and develop their skills and have fun and be fully who they are is so empowering. It sets them up for success.”

Robinson of Center on Halsted said the link between geography and opportunity often comes down to whether young people have their most immediate needs met close to home. Without food, shelter or a safe place to connect, long-term success could remain out of reach.

“For people to really have the safety and security they need to think about economic development or to be provided with a stronger footing and foundation to focus on maybe college or career, they need to have some of their most basic needs met,” Robinson said.

This article was originally published by the Windy City Times and is part of a national initiative exploring how geography, policy, and local conditions influence access to opportunity. Find more stories at economicopportunitylab.com/

Editor’s note: International News Editor Michael K. Lavers and Photo Editor Michael Key were on assignment in the Netherlands from July 28-Aug. 10.

AMSTERDAM — The first openly gay man elected to the Thai Senate says the law that extended marriage rights to same-sex couples in Thailand has positively impacted his country’s global image.

“It totally changed how the world perceived Thailand,” Sen. Pornchai Witayalerdpan told the Los Angeles Blade on Aug. 7 during an interview at the World Pride Human Rights Conference in Amsterdam.

Thailand on Jan. 23, 2025, became the first country in Southeast Asia to allow same-sex couples to legally marry.

The marriage equality bill received final legislative approval in June 2024 when the Senate approved it by a 152-130 vote margin. King Maha Vajiralongkorn signed it a few months later. Then-Prime Minister Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra is among those who supported the law.

Witayalerdpan was a freelance interpreter before he took office in July 2024.

The independent senator noted Thailand’s marriage equality movement began to gain traction with a lawsuit that the Foundation for Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Rights and Justice, a Thai advocacy group, filed.

The Constitutional Court in 2021 upheld a law that defined marriage as between a man and a woman. MP Tunyawaj Kamolwongwat of the Move Forward Party later introduced the marriage equality bill that became law.

“It was a coalition of efforts between the civil society organizations, the LGBTQ organizations, and also the Pride movement in Thailand,” Witayalerdpan told the Blade.

Taiwan in 2019 became the first country in Asia to extend marriage rights to same-sex couples.

The Nepalese Supreme Court in June issued a landmark ruling that ordered the country’s government to guarantee full marriage rights to same-sex couples.

The Japanese Supreme Court in March said it will consider six marriage equality lawsuits that have been filed in the country. The Indian Supreme Court in 2023 ruled against marriage rights for same-sex couples. South Korea is among the other Asian countries in which marriage equality efforts are gaining momentum.

Witayalerdpan said Thailand’s marriage equality law could have a direct impact in Japan, which is the only G7 country that does not legally recognize same-sex couples.

“It’s been nothing but a positive effect (in Thailand) after the same-sex marriage law (took effect),” he said.

InterPride, the organization that coordinates World Pride events, has announced Bangkok and Barcelona, Spain, are the two finalists to host the biennial event in 2030. (World Pride took place in D.C. in 2025.)

Witayalerdpan told the Blade that World Pride in Bangkok would further improve Thailand’s global image. He also said his fellow lawmakers, in turn, should pass LGBTQ+ rights bills — including proposals that would allow transgender people to legally change their name and gender and enable same-sex couples to have children via surrogates from in vitro fertilization. Witayalerdpan noted the most important bill to him is one that would strengthen Thailand’s LGBTQ+-inclusive nondiscrimination law that took effect in 2015.

Impact of US funding cuts has ‘been very hard’

Witayalerdpan also offered advice to activists in the U.S. and elsewhere around the world.

“Keep on pushing forward,” he told the Blade. “I know that it’s hard for activists in Thailand as well.”

Witayalerdpan acknowledged the loss of U.S. government funding since the Trump-Vance administration took office — which has forced advocacy groups in Asia and elsewhere around the world to close — has “been very hard.” Witayalerdpan noted the global LGBTQ+ and intersex rights movement in response to these cuts has turned to the European Union, the U.K., Canada, and the Netherlands to help fill the gap.

“It’s very good that these countries are providing more funds to the activists in Asia than before because of the Trump situation,” he told the Blade. “It can increase their soft power as well.”

Witayalerdpan said American activists should “wish for a positive result in the mid-term elections.”

“Then there is some resistance,” he added.

Witayalerdpan specifically highlighted efforts to fight against the Trump-Vance administration’s efforts to restrict gender-affirming healthcare.

A federal court in Massachusetts on Aug. 15 struck down a key provision of a U.S. Department of Health and Human Service rule that would have limited access to gender-affirming care under the Affordable Care Act. Maryland and California are two of the 21 states that sued the Trump-Vance administration over the issue.

“You have to show more resistance … to show that we are still here and we will push back when we can,” said Witayalerdpan.

Philadelphia’s Washington Square West neighborhood — which is home to the city’s Gayborhood — was awarded a historic designation in 2024. While many LGBTQ+ Philadelphians were excited by news of preserving approximately 1,500 residences, religious spaces and business properties spanning the 26 included blocks, the designation was not celebrated by all.

Advocates, including the Washington Square West Civic Association and various LGBTQ+ residents, partly framed the designation as long-overdue recognition for the area’s LGBTQ+ culture and Black history — but opponents argued it would impose costly restrictions on property owners and limit new development. A group of property owners — which also includes LGBTQ+ people — took the city to court over the designation and successfully overturned the decision.

The judge cited a lack of substantial evidence as a leading cause for his decision despite the Philadelphia Historic Commission’s nearly 1,500-page nomination packet. Attorney Dan Auerbach, representing the residents who opposed the designation, told WHYY that the documents submitted didn’t explain why many of the properties hold historic significance. Just 173 properties were described as historically significant, he argued. However, 773 of 1,509 properties included in the boundary — more than half of the neighborhood’s properties — are already listed in the National Register of Historic Places.

In March, the judge’s ruling was vacated after an appeal — effectively forcing the process to start over. The historic designation stands in the meantime. The Preservation Alliance for Greater Philadelphia is now drafting its own brief — due May 18 — to support the city’s position, which the organization’s executive director Paul Steinke believes will elaborate on the merit of the designation as a supplement to the city’s arguments.

Scholars have found that Philadelphia’s local historic designation offers a more protective effect on buildings facing possible demolition than the national register. Because zoning and construction is overseen by local laws and leaders, local designations play a stronger role in preservation. But that doesn’t mean buildings with the designation are guaranteed to be preserved.

The outcome of this lawsuit could affect a major re-development project that would benefit the LGBTQ+ community but has been met with mixed feelings. William Way LGBT Community Center (WWCC), which is currently housed in a pre-Civil War era building that would be harder to demolish under the designation, is set to be leveled (along with a famous LGBTQ+ mural on its facade) to build a more accessible space for gatherings and queer-centered low-income housing units.

Steinke underlined that it’s possible for the project to move forward as-is. Historic designations do not prevent every demolition. There are standards in place that allow for demolition, which WWCC would need to meet for the project to be approved.

WWCC leaders would need to appear before the historical commission to seek a demolition permit before applying to the city, but that obstacle would be removed if the historic designation is overturned.

Historic designation is mostly used to preserve the character of buildings through recommendations about how owners can restore or maintain exterior facades. Steinke hopes WWCC will adjust its plans to maintain all or some of the most important historic elements of its current home (the facade, historic marble and wooden staircases, entryways and ballroom) rather than demolishing it all outright. He hasn’t lost hope, but he admits he hasn’t convinced anyone at WWCC to change the current plans.

It’s a project that seems to place competing interests in tension. There’s a need for housing — especially income-specific, LGBTQ+ centered projects — in that neighborhood. This, as Steinke hopes, could be pursued without demolishing much-loved cultural landmarks — but WWCC has emphasized that the price tag for pursuing its goals this way makes preservation out of reach.

The Washington Square West litigation is one of three active lawsuits pending against historic districts in Philadelphia. Six newer proposals are also currently in various stages of the nomination process — but if approved, they too could be contested and overturned.

A 2002 attempt to designate Spruce Hill was unsuccessful due to resident opposition that may have been fueled by politics. It was the third attempt to nominate the neighborhood. A case study published in 2023 by a University of Pennsylvania student about the matter found that the opponents feared increased maintenance costs, the loss of personal freedom and gentrification.

“Ironically, in the two decades since that campaign, Spruce Hill has become one of the most gentrified — and threatened — neighborhoods in the city of Philadelphia,” the study notes.

Residents also feared displacement. The case study underlines that residents who are displaced by gentrification tend to move to neighborhoods with lower property values, less access to resources, and fewer opportunities for upward economic mobility.

Following historic designation, the number of college-educated households in a community tends to increase while the poverty rate drops in contrast to its adjacent neighborhoods, which do not receive the designation. These and other factors contributing to economic mobility are visible on maps created by the Opportunity Atlas, a project of Harvard University which presents information collected by the census in an effort to tangibly discuss economic mobility in localities across the United States. It shows the same patterns in many of Philadelphia’s historic districts.

But the Washington Square West neighborhood outperformed the surrounding blocks even before the historic designation took effect — highlighting that the designations themselves may not always be the cause of disparities.

“It’s true that in most cases, historic districts aren’t the most affordable neighborhoods in any city — no matter where you go,” Steinke said. “That’s not the fault of the historic district.”

Historic districts tend to protect properties and neighborhoods that are historically, architecturally, or culturally significant — properties that already tend to be expensive.

For example, Steinke underlined that Rittenhouse Square was expensive before it was officially designated as historic — and some neighborhoods, like Graduate Hospital, have become pricey without the designation.

Historic preservation may actually promote some protective factors that act as a buffer against gentrification and rising rents, contradicting the most common fears. For instance, the designation makes it harder for developers to tear down smaller, older, more affordable homes or significant community hubs that sit on desirable land in order to build newer, larger, high-cost housing units in their place.

Many LGBTQ+ locals opposed the redevelopment of the Gayborhood’s former 12th Street Gym — which held cultural significance and a meaningful mural of queer activist Gloria Casarez. It was removed alongside a neighboring building of note for its connection to Black history. A luxury high-rise apartment complex now takes its place.

Residents of a working-class neighborhood in Durham, N.C. hoped they would stave off developers and prevent or slow gentrification by pursuing historic designation in 2016.

Steinke explained that this has happened in Philadelphia too.

The Parkside neighborhood, which is situated near the Please Touch Museum, has been a historic district for 15 years, Steinke explained. It was a low to moderate income, majority minority neighborhood when it was designated in 2009 and it still is today, he said. The same is true for West Diamond Street in North Philly, which was designated historic in the 1980s. It was a low to moderate income neighborhood then and has remained one today.

“Real estate prices are a factor of so many other things — proximity to work, public safety, access to schools, access to shopping and other amenities, transportation,” Steinke said. “That’s really what determines property values and neighborhood value.”

Those are also factors that have strong correlations with upward economic mobility.

Despite a poverty rate that is lower than it has been in decades, Opportunity Insights ranks Philadelphia as last among large metro areas for upward economic mobility — with some children experiencing even worse economic outcomes than their parents. It’s a problem Mayor Cherelle Parker has addressed with new initiatives she hopes will support young people who hope to break free from cycles of poverty.

The supplemental programs that offer economic support to historic homeowners in Durham might have helped its anti-gentrification efforts succeed.

Steinke said it’s true that some preservation-oriented maintenance costs may be higher upfront, but many of those options also last longer and could even cost less than cheaper fixes that must be repeated over time.

“One real weakness in Philadelphia is that there is no publicly available funding to help homeowners maintain their historic homes, and that’s something that we have talked about with city officials, with city council, with the mayor’s office,” he added. “There really needs to be a fund that homeowners can apply to if their property is designated historic — especially for low to moderate income homeowners.”

Although there isn’t a city fund or initiative to help offset maintenance costs for historic homeowners in Philadelphia, a few state and federal tax incentives could be helpful to some historically-designated property owners — including landlords and developers who might not otherwise pursue preservation.

“Not many property owners or homeowners have a lot of expertise about what’s best for a historic building to maintain its value and its appearance,” Steinke said. “So when historic districts are in place, you actually have access to experts who know the best practices and can share them with you and help you find solutions to the problems you’re trying to solve.”

The Preservation Alliance for Greater Philadelphia collaborated with the Washington Square West Civic Association to publish a manual that will be released in late spring or early summer. It will provide information about historic practices for windows, doorways, carpentry, masonry and roofs pertaining to the area’s buildings.

There’s been an increase in low-income households in Philadelphia’s historic districts and top earners are moving in at a slower rate than in neighborhoods in the rest of the city.

Racial diversity is shifting in there, too. Although these districts tend to have whiter populations, a report published by the Preservation Alliance shows that non-white homeownership in Philly’s historic districts has increased significantly since 2010. The number of non-white homeowners and Black and Hispanic residents is on the rise in these districts, even as diversity has slowed in other neighborhoods.

“We think [this report] shows that historic designation is not an obstacle to housing production or population growth,” Steinke said.

Steinke argues that the buildings in Washington Square West have economic value not only to those who own or utilize the buildings but to the city as a whole. They’re an economic engine — creating jobs and drawing tourists. Almost 6% of Philadelphia’s jobs are in historic districts, including nearly 10% of small business jobs, 13% of new jobs, and almost 17% of creative jobs.

The 250th anniversary of the United States will bring visitors hoping to immerse themselves in Philadelphia’s history. Visit Philly estimates the events could contribute up to $2.5 billion to the city’s economy.

Some funding is making its way to historic districts in preparation for the events by way of grants for programming and beautification projects. But that doesn’t make them an accessible place to do business.

Historic districts aren’t necessarily start-up friendly. Commercial rent tends to be higher there too — a frequent complaint among LGBTQ+ business owners who want to open brick-and-mortar locations in the Gayborhood but are priced out.

(This article was originally published by the Philadelphia Gay News and is part of a national initiative exploring how geography, policy, and local conditions influence access to opportunity. Find more stories at economicopportunitylab.com.)

The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services announced last week that federal funding could no longer be used to pay for gender-affirming care through Medicaid or the Children’s Health Insurance Program.

The rule prohibits federal Medicaid dollars from covering puberty blockers, hormone therapy, and rare instances of surgery for enrollees under the age of 18 in the Medicaid program and under the age of 19 in CHIP. It does not prohibit coverage of counseling or psychotherapy as part of gender-affirming care.

The decision to restrict what healthcare is covered by federal dollars is part of a longer, more aggressive stance the Trump-Vance administration is taking toward LGBTQ+ healthcare.

Since taking the White House back for his second term, Trump has signed three executive orders that directly target transgender Americans. They include Executive Order 14168, “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” that requires the federal government to recognize only a person’s sex at birth, not their gender identity; Executive Order 14183, “Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness,” which attempts to remove transgender service members from the military and prevent them from enrolling; and an executive order that helped spur this change by restricting gender-affirming care.

The administration’s choice to villainize gender-affirming care, despite it being considered a best medical practice recommended by nearly every major medical group for gender dysphoria or gender incongruence, including the American Medical Association, American Academy of Pediatrics, and American Psychological Association, comes as KFF, a source for health policy research and polling data, estimates about 130,000 young trans people with Medicaid or CHIP coverage could be impacted by the policy.

“Today, we are ending federal taxpayer funding for sex-rejecting procedures on children,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., said last week when announcing the change. “These interventions carry serious risks and can cause irreversible harm. The federal government will no longer use Medicaid and CHIP dollars to fund procedures that fail to meet the evidentiary standard our children deserve.”

“Children deserve our protection, not experimental interventions that pose serious risks and convey no proven benefits,” said CMS Administrator Mehmet Oz. “By cutting off federal funds for these sex-rejecting procedures, we’re following the science, saving taxpayer dollars, and, most importantly, protecting children from potentially irreversible harm so they can truly flourish.”

The administration’s push is having a chilling effect on state healthcare legislation — more states now prohibit gender-affirming care than ever before. States with gender-affirming care restrictions jumped from four in 2023 to 27 states today.

The funding change has been met with fierce pushback from LGBTQ+ advocates, health experts, and government officials across the country before the rule goes into effect.

Some of the first actions against this policy began in July 2025.

Twenty-one states have attempted to restrict this effort in some fashion from going through as the White House intends. They include Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Mexico, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, and Wisconsin, as well as Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro on behalf of his state.

The coalition of attorneys general filed lawsuits challenging nine separate provisions of the final rule, arguing that they would make it harder for consumers to get coverage through the ACA, increase costs for states, and weaken key ACA protections.

The U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts on Aug. 15 struck down a key provision of a Trump-Vance administration final rule that would have excluded coverage of certain types of gender-affirming care as essential health benefits under the Affordable Care Act. Essential health benefits are subject to the ACA’s financial protections, including limits on out-of-pocket costs.

“Everyone deserves access to health coverage,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta. “The Trump administration tried to exclude gender-affirming care from qualifying as an essential health benefit. We fought back, and the court’s ruling means this care can — and in many states must — qualify for the ACA’s financial protections, ensuring transgender people have an equal opportunity to benefit from the ACA.”

“The Trump administration tried to make essential care unaffordable for transgender Marylanders by stripping it out of the ACA’s cost protections,” said Maryland Attorney General Anthony Brown. “We fought to keep that care covered, and we won. My Office will always defend Marylanders’ right to the care they need.”

The final rule at issue — the “Marketplace Integrity and Affordability” rule — was proposed by the Trump-Vance administration in March 2025, purportedly to “curb ACA enrollment fraud” and reduce federal spending on subsidies that help consumers afford ACA coverage. Among other changes, the rule would have removed certain types of gender-affirming care from the ACA’s 10 essential health benefit categories.

“This president would rather target young people than lower costs or expand access to health care. It is reprehensible that our federal government is intent on hurting and isolating the adolescents it is supposed to protect. I will use every tool at my disposal to fight this proposal and protect transgender Americans and their families,” said New York Attorney General Letitia James in December after the policy was announced.

In addition to state government resistance to the change, multiple LGBTQ+ advocates have committed to protecting the right to healthcare for LGBTQ+ children.

Rocky Mountain Equality CEO Mardi Moore affirmed those in Colorado would continue to help people most at risk if the change goes through.

“First, to the families impacted by this news: you will not be cut off immediately. The rule takes effect Oct. 13, 2026, and providers can continue to bill Medicaid and CHIP for youth already receiving gender-affirming care for up to six months after that. Rocky Mountain Equality is here, and we can help you understand your options to continue your child’s care.

“This is discrimination dressed up as rule-making. Government healthcare policy should expand what people can access, not strip away care that families and doctors have already determined is medically necessary,” Moore added. “We’ve seen this pattern before with other kinds of essential care, and it rarely stops with just one restriction. Any effort to ban or limit care opens the door for more restrictions on more kinds of care.”

The Human Rights Campaign, the largest LGBTQ+ lobbying group in the U.S., issued multiple statements following the announcement, and has filed a similar lawsuit against the federal government for prohibiting gender-affirming care to federal employees using federal health plans.

HRC President Kelley Robinson said taking a hard stance against what the administration is presenting as a win for the American people that will ultimately restrict healthcare options for thousands of Americans.

“Every young person is entitled to the health care that they, their parents, and their medical providers agree that they need, without politicians interfering with these important and highly personal decisions. And yet, rather than working to make healthcare more affordable and accessible, the Trump administration continues to obsess over the healthcare needs of trans youth, this time by cutting off health insurance coverage for those who rely on Medicaid and CHIP to access that care,” Robinson said. “The Trump administration is terrorizing trans youth and their families with these kinds of actions, and it has to stop.”

A Russian LGBTQ+ advocacy group on Monday announced it will shut down after a court declared it an “extremist” organization.

A St. Petersburg court in April in response to a Russian Justice Ministry lawsuit made the declaration against the Russian LGBT Network.

“For many years, Russian LGBT Network brought together initiatives and activists and supported queer people across the country,” said the advocacy group on its Facebook page. ” However, its ‘extremist’ status has made the previous public format of its work impossible: any connection to the organization may create additional risks for the people we seek to support and protect.”

The Russian LGBT Network formed in 2006.

The group on its Facebook page said it “made this decision” to close “after a thorough assessment of the risks.”

“Continuing our public activities could have put at risk those who took part in the organization’s work, supported it, or received assistance,” said the Russian LGBT Network. “We cannot control the repressive environment, but we can do everything possible to avoid creating additional risks for people. People’s safety comes first.”

The Kremlin over the last decade has faced global criticism over its crackdown on LGBTQ+ rights.

The Russian Supreme Court in 2023 ruled the “international LGBT movement” is an extremist organization and banned it.

Russia in January designated ILGA World, a global LGBTQ+ and intersex rights group, as an “undesirable” organization. ILGA World in response to the designation noted Russians who are found guilty of engaging with “undesirable” groups face up to six years in prison.

Human Rights Watch in May noted the Russian LGBT Network is one of nine LGBTQ+ groups that Russia this year has banned after authorities deemed them “extremist.”

“Russian LGBT Network may close; but dignity, solidarity, and people’s right to be themselves cannot be destroyed,” said the Russian LGBT Network in its statement. “Take care of yourselves.”

Out San Diego City Council member Marni von Wilpert is “horrified” to hear multiple reports about suffering from exhaustion, poor living conditions, and a mental health crisis aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln. San Diego is the home port for service members and families of the USS Lincoln, whose 5,000 sailors and Marines have been in combat with Iran for five of their almost nine months at sea.

Von Wilpert, a bisexual Democrat, is running for the 48^th Congressional district seat being vacated by retiring MAGA Republican Rep. Darrell Issa, who sits on the House Foreign Affairs Committee and supports Donald Trump’s war of choice with Iran.

“Trump’s war in Iran continues to have disastrous consequences for our country and our community here in San Diego,” von Wilpert told LGBTQ+ Freedom Fighters in her first public comment on the Lincoln situation. “As the daughter of a veteran, I am horrified by reports of the conditions our San Diego–based service members are facing on the USS Lincoln and call on Trump’s Department of Defense to answer why our troops are in this position.”

The Lincoln has been at sea since November and in the Middle East since January. That means, Military.com reported on Aug. 13, that the Nimitz-class aircraft carrier – flagship of Carrier Strike Group 3 and host to Carrier Air Wing Nine – “has spent 250 days in a row without making land—leaving those on board without the opportunity to see their families and friends.”

There have been reports of rotten food and supply shortages. Several sailors have tried to jump overboard; one 19-year-old sailor told his 19-year-old wife, a new mother: “The boat is finally getting to me.”

Trump has claimed the sailors’ family members are not concerned about conditions on the ship (many have made clear they are) and that the deployment has not gone on “nearly long enough.” Sec. of Defense Pete Hegseth has been similarly dismissive. Now, finally, the USS George Washington is on its way to relieve the Lincoln.

Von Wilpert is running in a district that is one of several whose boundaries were redrawn in California last year. The redistricting was intended to favor Democrats, coming in response to Texas’s redistricting that favored Republicans. Issa, a longtime anti-LGBTQ+ politico, decided not to run in the newly drawn district, which includes parts of San Diego and extends to the liberal, heavily LGBTQ+ desert city of Palm Springs.

In the June primary, von Wilpert and Republican Jim Desmond, a San Diego County supervisor, won the most votes in California’s “jungle primary,” where the top two advance to the general election, regardless of party.

Von Wilpert has an impressive backstory and résumé. She grew up in San Diego but went east to attend Fordham University School of Law in New York City; she graduated at the top of her class and was editor of the law review. She was a Peace Corps volunteer in Botswana, caring for children with HIV whose parents had died of AIDS complications.

She went on to fight the epidemic domestically when she received a fellowship to work for the Mississippi Center for Justice. There, she established a legal clinic to assist people with HIV or AIDS. She then clerked for a federal appellate court judge, after which she became an attorney with the National Labor Relations Board, served as counsel on the House Education and Labor Committee, and worked with U.S. Rep. Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat.

Returning to San Diego, she became a deputy city attorney before being elected to the City Council in 2020, flipping one of the most conservative districts in the city from Republican to Democrat. She hopes to do another such flip in her run for Congress.

“I want to take our country back from the chaos and corruption of the Donald Trump administration,” von Wilpert said.

“People are struggling; our rights are being taken away,” she added. “I want government to work for the people.”

One of von Wilpert’s priorities would be passing the Protecting the Right to Organize Act, which she helped draft with Scott and Democratic U.S. Sen. Patty Murray of Washington State. It would strengthen workers’ rights to organize unions—they often face retaliation for doing so—and allow the NLRB to fine companies for violations of labor law. Known as the PRO Act, it has been introduced in Congress every year since 2019. It passed the House in 2021 but has never passed the Senate.

Unionizing is “one of the best ways to address income inequality,” she said.

Von Wilpert also wants to pass the Equality Act, which would ban anti-LGBTQ+ discrimination nationwide in employment, housing, public accommodations, and more. The LGBTQ+ community shouldn’t have to depend on the whims of the Supreme Court, she said.

Von Wilpert’s outrage at Trump’s treatment of the military goes beyond the situation with the USS Lincoln.

“It’s abysmal the way that Donald Trump is treating our troops,” she said, noting the ban on transgender service members and the firings of women and people of color. “He’s pushing the best and the brightest out of our military.” Her father, an immigrant from Germany, served in the U.S. Army, and her grandfather fought in World War II.

Von Wilpert’s also a major advocate for expanding access to health care. She had a health crisis in the spring—a diagnosis of breast cancer. She had successful surgery while she balanced medical appointments in between her duties on the City Council and campaign events. She realizes she has access to care that some people don’t have.

“Health care is getting more and more out of reach for everyday Americans,” she said, noting that 32,000 people in her congressional district will lose access to Medicaid because of Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill.” Planned Parenthood, which provides cancer and STD screenings in addition to reproductive care, can no longer bill to Medicaid and has closed at least five clinics in California.

Her other priorities in Congress include holding Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) accountable, getting dark money out of politics, protecting the environment, defending reproductive freedom, and fighting gun violence. She supports a two-state solution to bring peace to Israel and Palestine, stands with Ukraine against Russian aggression, and will work to defend and expand the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), an immensely successful program that provides treatment and prevention services in poor countries and has been gutted by Trump.

Von Wilpert’s accomplishments on the San Diego City Council include: authoring California’s first ban on untraceable “ghost guns,” securing funding for a new program to help the city’s homeless population, coauthoring a reproductive freedom resolution after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, helping to create the nation’s first child care center for police officers, and environmental measures including an updated zero-emissions Climate Action Plan, a citywide Styrofoam ban, and major investments in electric vehicle charging stations.

She also protested the removal of a Pride Month display of LGBTQ-themed books from the public library branch in her neighborhood, Rancho Peñasquitos, in 2023. Residents who opposed the display checked out all the books so they’d be unavailable and said they wouldn’t return them until the library agreed to remove them permanently.

After local media reports, supportive residents bought books to replace those taken out and donated a total of $15,000 to the library, which the city matched, for more LGBTQ+ materials and drag queen story hours.

Von Wilpert officially came out in a front-page New York Times story about the issue. She had always identified as bisexual but hadn’t made it part of her political life until then.

Now her identity is clearly part of her political life; her campaign website describes her as “a proud member of the LGBTQ+ community” and notes that she will fight bans on gender-affirming care, as well as book bans, “defend full Title IX protections,” “protect the freedom to build a family through marriage, adoption, or assisted reproductive care,” and “lead the fight to end conversion therapy.”

She is endorsed by the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, Equality PAC, LPAC, Equality California, many current and former members of Congress and California elected officials (both gay and straight), numerous labor organizations, gun control groups, and more.

Marriage is in von Wilpert’s future; she is engaged to Sarah (she prefers to keep Sarah’s last name private), a lieutenant in the San Diego Police Department. They’re planning to marry in October 2027.

Von Wilpert expects her congressional race to be close – in the primary, she received 20 percent of the vote to Desmond’s 41 percent. But there were only two Republicans in the race—Desmond and the other GOPer combined for 48 percent of the vote—while the nine Democrats, including von Wilpert, combined for 51 percent. The district has more registered Democrats than registered Republicans.

She describes Desmond as MAGA to the core, and he’s been endorsed by Trump and Issa. Polling has her and Desmond neck and neck.

“I know it’s going to be a tight race,” she said, adding, “I’ve beaten Republicans before.”

Karen Ocamb contributed to this report.

This is a cross-post from Karen’s LGBTQ+ Freedom Fighters Substack.

Barbara (“Boo”) Easter Price, a pioneering figure in the women’s music movement, died Tuesday, Aug. 4 in Oakland, Calif. Price produced some of the earliest women’s music concerts as a new lesbian-feminist culture was taking shape, and was a driving force behind the Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival which ran from 1976 to 2015 – a flagship event in the movement, and the largest women’s music festival in North America. Price was 82. 

“Her vision from the very beginning was how complex and how wide the whole phenomenon of women’s music could be, and how far we could carry it beyond the multi-purpose rooms and church basements into Town Hall and the Palace of Fine Arts and major media,” says singer-songwriter Margie Adam, for whom Price served as manager, agent, producer and attorney from 1975 to 1984, and, for part of that time, her romantic partner.

“I think when she heard Cris Williamson, Vicki Randle and me sing at the Embassy Theater in 1974, she grasped that this thing we were just beginning to call women’s music could actually be a soundtrack for the women’s liberation movement – that it could be an activator and a healing, empowering tool.” 

Arguably, nowhere was that emerging culture of music, feminism and community more fully realized than at the Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival. 

At its peak, 8,000 women, predominantly lesbians, came from around the world to gather for a week in August. Camping, music, dance performances, workshops and the requisite tofu and beans were just a few of the innumerable offerings in this rite of passage for a generation of lesbians in a time when there were few safe and free environments available.

Alicia Davis of Michigan remembers the festival foremost for its sense of community. “The feeling of not having to make myself smaller to fit into the world, but rather the feeling that I could be happy, loud and  share my opinions and feel valued, even when there were disagreements among people,” she says. “There was a shared respect that I didn’t feel outside of the festival walls. The festival shaped what I thought women could do in the world, the entire camp was made by women: electricians, plumbers, cooks, carpenters, singers, artists of every stripe… “

The sense of shared experience followed women long after they left “the land.”

In the 1980s, drivers across the U.S. would exchange knowing glances when passing a car with the familiar “See you in August!” bumper sticker. It was the original IYKYK. 

The Festival was also an important showcase for emerging and established musicians, including Holly Near, Meg Christian, Tracy Chapman, Indigo Girls and Ani DiFranco. The list of alumni is vast and stretches across genres from classical to Afro-centric percussion. To name just a few: Casselberry-DuPree, Phranc, Heather Bishop, Ubaka Hill, big band Deuce, flutist Kay Gardner, Edwina Lee Tyler, Lynn Breedlove-fronted punk band Tribe 8, pianist Mary Watkins, and Cultural Heritage Choir founder Linda Tillery who remembers Boo as the big sister she never had.

“I could go to her with anything, and she would listen and give counsel. She was always supportive of me and usually right,” the singer and arranger says.

And while Michigan wasn’t the only festival in the country, it inspired people like marriage equality activist and comedian Robin Tyler who attended Michigan because of Price, and went on to produce her own West Coast music and comedy festivals, as well as the main stage for three Marches on Washington.

“My last memory of Boo was not about Boo Price, the producer or the magician that could create everything,” says Tyler who was also Price’s lover for a time. “It was how lucky I was to have had her in my life at all, and that we were able to love each other and share. She was one of the most influential people of my life.”

Price’s talents were evident across the festival’s sprawling operation which relocated several times over its 40-year existence. In 1982, together with one of the original founders, Lisa Vogel, Price purchased the land that would become the festival’s permanent 650-acre home near Hart, Michigan; in 1983, she became a co-owner and co-producer, a role she held until the two parted ways in 1994.

From 1976–1994, Price was involved in many aspects of the Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival. But her prowess as producer was perhaps most visible at the Night Stage. Her contemporaries have vivid memories of an opening ceremony with an aerialist swinging on a trapeze from an oak tree, while jazz artist Rhiannon performed on vocals.

“Sometimes it started with a parade or a procession and percussion, and sometimes there were stilt walkers – and so there was always this production about you as you were coming to Night Stage,” remembers Sändra Washington, who performed with her twin sister Sharon as the Washington Sisters. As a performer, Washington recalled the wall of energy rushing at her from the audience.

“It was her desire to create a thing, a space, an event that was really magnificent – and that showed in everything she did, whether or not she was organizing a tour, or she was organizing a party, or events at the [Montclair] club,” says Washington. “Boo really specialized in creating a whole vibe around the event, the space, the production, so that you felt something special when you came into a space that Boo had created.”

“There was never a space that felt as positive, overwhelming, and energetic as the crowd at Michigan.”

Kathryn A. Willmore, co-founder of feminist journal Sojourner, remembers how Michigan grew into something bigger than anticipated – and how instrumental Price was in elevating the rudimentary systems needed to support it. One year, Willmore brought copies of Sojourner to the festival, hoping to connect with other people publishing women’s papers. “But there was no system for communicating any of that really. So I just tacked a note on a tree of that location, and there were about 30 of us that came together.” 

Price, Willmore says, helped put systems in place, articulate a vision, and bring in people who could then carry it forward.

“Boo really empowered so many women in so many dimensions. I think that is one of the overarching themes of her life, and certainly in music production… and her confidence was infectious. So people who had never done something grew into becoming experts. I think that she inspired and empowered.”

Willmore first met Price in 1961 at Mt. Holyoke just after the women arrived for the start of college. “There were all these girls in this half-empty dorm in the middle of a hurricane, and Boo started going around to everyone’s room to introduce herself. Then she got to my room… and that was the beginning of this lifelong friendship.”

The importance of what Price created cannot be overstated, nor the reach and durability of the connections formed in the space she helped build.

Just last month, a French woman found this writer on Instagram 40 years after the Festival and claimed I invited her into my tent. We have been corresponding since this improbable reconnection (though the question of who did the inviting is under dispute):

Emmanuelle Gachet, now a writer and professor at Université de Nantes, reflects on her experience:

“In 1986, I step onto an island populated by six thousand women. I come from France, from a rural area, and I am twenty years old. Never before have I felt such a powerful energy. Here, lesbianism is the norm. I don’t have to justify my place. For the first time, I am not a minority. At the time, I am broke. The community welcomes me with sisterhood. I take part in artistic and political workshops, without always realizing their significance. I discover music without male voices. Women playing, singing, improvising, taking the stage. A stage of their own. Music becomes a common language, a way of recognizing one another, of celebrating who we are and what we can create together… I leave with the feeling that I am leaving a world that may never exist again… “

Price’s influence extended beyond the festival arena. The MSU Libraries document the breadth of her production work, including the Women on Wheels Tour in 1976; a celebration for the opening of Judy Chicago’s The Dinner Party in 1979; concert closing the ERA Campaign at Constitution Hall with Margie Adam and Sweet Honey in the Rock; and, decades later, the 2008 San Francisco City Hall memorial for lesbian rights pioneer Del Martin. She also established Women in Production in 1976, which hired and trained primarily lesbian technicians and production staff.

Price co-founded Pleiades Records with Margie Adam in 1975, producing and promoting Adam’s first four albums. She had an eye for the entire presentation – from press kits and photography to album covers – and for how the emerging women’s music movement projected itself to the world. Price produced a 50-city tour promoting Adam’s first album, culminating at the historic National Women’s Conference in Houston in 1977, where Adam performed “We Shall Go Forth!” as 10,000 women joined in three-part harmony.

“When Boo and I began to work together, both of us were convinced that we should have that phrase, ‘Women’s music by women about women for everyone.’ And that was not a point of view that was agreed upon by everybody in women’s music,” Adam says. “We had wiggle room in there, and we had controversy, and we had continuums.” Ultimately, Price wanted the music “to get out as far as it can go.”

Barbara Easter Price was born on Oct. 8, 1943 in Lafayette, Ind. She received a bachelor’s degree in political science from Mount Holyoke College in 1965, and Juris Doctor from UC Davis in 1976.

She brought her legal background, organizational skills and business acumen to everything she touched – including the justice system, most notably through her work on child custody cases, a focus that grew out of her own experience. 

In 1978 she co-authored a law review article on lesbian custody proceedings and how attorneys could best prepare, at a time when lesbians were viewed unfavorably by the courts and “Sexual Orientation Disturbances” remained a psychiatric diagnosis.

“People forget what it was like,” says attorney Diane Gelon, who first met Price in 1977 at the women’s conference in Houston. “The lesbian mother would not have even had what we would look at now as normal access to that child because the fear was that the kids would be gay or lesbian, or there would be some amount of gender confusion, or they would suffer some kind of psychological harm… These are the myths that Boo wrote about and tried to address.”

Earlier in her career, she also worked at the White House for the Food for Peace Program, where she helped organize a Latin American tour for First Lady Lady Bird Johnson. She also worked with the President’s Commission on Civil Disorders. Price later became active in Bay Area Lesbians in Law, the Lesbian Rights Project, Lyon-Martin Clinic, the National Lesbian Feminist Organization, National Organization for Women, the National Women’s Political Caucus, and Women and the Law.

Whether through politics, advocacy or music, much of Price’s work was centered around creating spaces for women.

Following her tenure with the Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival and a brief hiatus, Price couldn’t help but create another gathering place. She had been regularly driving past an old building, originally established as a social and literary club in 1928. It still had its projection room, stage and lightboard. She knew she had to have it.

 “She just was always producing, even when she had stopped,” says Sharon J. Washington.

 Price purchased the building in 1996 and, after a thorough renovation, opened the Montclair Women’s Cultural Arts Club, which became home to the Montclair Women’s Big Band, which she co-founded with trumpeter Ellen Seeling in 1998. Over the next two decades, the predominantly lesbian space became a vital gathering hub, hosting more than 2,000 events – high-toned parties, workshops, theater, dance, concerts, and more.

“Her Valentine’s Day dances were extraordinary,” says Sändra Washington, who remembers four-course plated meals and, like many of Price’s friends, volunteered at the club.

When the club closed in 2015, luminaries of women’s music came together for farewell performances, and the San Francisco Bay Times chronicled the extraordinary range of what had taken place there: more than 500 birthday celebrations, 150 concerts (“which we can attest were fabulous,” the paper wrote), countless workshops, arts and cultural events.

“Whatever Boo had built, whether it was the club or her home – that was our second home,” says Sändra Washington.

“Buying that club was in some ways a transgressive action, but at the same time, it was saying we belong here,” says Margie Adam. “We belong everywhere. Women’s music belongs everywhere, and that was her vision from the moment that I met her.”

“I think of Boo as someone who inspired and empowered women everywhere,” says Kathryn Willmore. “She herself was a fearless explorer, and she instilled that spirit into so many other women who would never imagine themselves doing the things that they did. And it wasn’t just in music.”

Willmore remembers Price’s first foray into scuba diving. “She was a good swimmer, but there she was, completely underwater with this mask on, not being able to see much in front of her. So she just kept her eyes on the fins of the guide in front of her.”

She woke up the next morning and said, “Let’s do that again.”

“And she just fell in love with it, became an expert diver, and then inspired so many other women – including me,” says Willmore, who would never have imagined venturing into the sea’s depths had it not been for Price.

Price soon convinced others to join her, and organized trips over the years to explore earth’s bounteous ocean offerings – women traveling the world from the Caribbean to the Solomon Islands and sharing in the joy that Price found amid the coral reefs of Indonesia.

Price is survived by her son, Andrés Garcia Price; daughter-in-law, Katie Garcia; granddaughter, Tallulah Katherine Garcia; nieces Melissa Price and her husband, Donal, and Cynthia Price Czabala and her husband, Tom; and an expansive community of chosen family, friends, and beneficiaries of her generous and unstoppable spirit.

“Many of you know that Boo’s health had been in decline for some time,” Kathryn Willmore, Sharon J. Washington, and Margie Adam wrote in announcing their friend’s passing. “Over this past weekend, she had a serious heart attack and was being cared for in the hospital, with her son Andrés and family with her much of the time. Yesterday afternoon, she noticed a partially open door in her room and asked the nurse if that was the exit, because she was ready to leave. A few hours later, she did just that – moving on to another realm, but never out of our hearts.”