La Joven Cuba se publicó esta nota en su sitio web el 12 de mayo

Por NORGE ESPINOSA MENDOZA | En el calendario cubano, mayo es un mes cargado de fechas singulares y múltiples celebraciones. Desde su primer día, marcado por el tradicional desfile que recuerda a los mártires de Chicago como tributo a los trabajadores del mundo, pasando por el Día de las Madres, el Día Internacional de los Museos y el Día de África, entre muchas otras fechas. Se trata de una agenda cargada de memorias, consignas, festejos públicos o más domésticos que se concentran en esas cinco semanas.

La incorporación a todo ello del reconocimiento en nuestro país del 17 de mayo como Día Internacional contra la Homofobia, la Transfobia y la Bifobia removió ese panorama, sobre todo porque se trata de la misma fecha en la que se celebra el Día del Campesino y la Reforma Agraria. Entre las diversas reacciones que desencadenó todo ello, sirva como ejemplo del estupor con el que parte de la población cubana reaccionó, este fragmento de las décimas humorísticas creadas por Ángel Rámiz, muy popular gracias a su personaje El Cabo Pantera:

«Que esto no es chisme ni brete
y me da genio, compay,
¡con tantos días que hay
escoger el 17!
Quiero que se me respete,
se me dé una explicación:
¿Ese día mis amistades
me dicen felicidades
por guajiro o maricón?»

La elección de ese día molestó, irritó, generó controversias, en las cuales algunos rememoraron que para el calendario nacional ese día fue distinguido en favor del campesinado por conmemorarse en tal fecha el asesinato de Niceto Pérez, en 1946. La supuesta contradicción entre la imagen del campesino viril, líder y símbolo del trabajador agrícola, fue un detonante que no hallaba justificación ni siquiera en el hecho de que se trataba de resaltar desde nuestro país algo fijado internacionalmente por la Organización Mundial de la Salud.

Como señala la nota que presenta en el Decimerón esos versos de Ángel Rámiz, no faltó quien rebautizara al 17 de mayo, en tono despectivo pero también desde los límites de nuestro incontenible choteo, como Día del Maricón. Y más allá de esa anécdota, hacer memoria sobre este asunto nos permite recalibrar las tensiones que, entre consignas, mitos, épica y sexualidad, han marcado la aparición, visibilidad o invisibilidad de las llamadas minorías que también componen el entramado social del país, así sea al borde o en los márgenes de la historia oficial.

En esos territorios opacos, borrosos, ambiguos, a los que solo en fechas recientes se ha empezado a mirar y estudiar sin los prejuicios que sigue padeciendo la mirada de regla y cartabón de la narrativa oficial, aún perduran incomodidades, interrogantes y tabúes, que cada vez que nos acercamos al 17 de mayo resucitan o recobran interés en las agendas y los debates acerca de política, historia, sexualidad y cuerpo nacional. Un cuerpo que ha aprendido a saberse diverso, no solo porque desde esas agendas se le brinde tal posibilidad, sino porque las condiciones extremas a las que ha sobrevivido le han permitido hallar sus propias armas y herramientas para tal hazaña.

La memoria de los cuerpos disidentes

La historia de los cuerpos sexuados ha ido emergiendo lentamente ante nosotros, gracias al empeño de investigadores, historiadores, activistas, artistas, y finalmente, gracias a la irrupción de esas voluntades y biografías en los espacios gubernamentales donde por años se pensó únicamente desde el prisma heteronormativo y patriarcal, que también fue abrazado por la Revolución.

Las normativas y la preocupación por el deslinde de esos cuerpos, por las prácticas no re/productivas ni de ganancia inmediata para la nueva causa, estallaron desde el inicio. Es el elemento que dispara sus dardos lo mismo contra los cuerpos negros y mulatos que se divierten la madrugada del puerto habanero durante los pocos minutos del documental PM (cuya censura en 1961 provocó las Palabras a los intelectuales), que contra los pasajes eróticos de El mundo alucinante, la novela que presentó Reinaldo Arenas al concurso de la UNEAC en 1967, y que no solo no ganó al premio, sino que aún no ha sido publicada en Cuba. Ese recelo también fue el que activó las redadas en la Rampa habanera, la Noche de las Tres P en 1961, o las expulsiones de las universidades y escuelas de arte de aquellos que vivían una sexualidad disidente en la misma década.

El I Congreso de Educación y Cultura formalizó ese rechazo, en 1971, y aseguró durante los años 70 un periodo de oscurecimiento y pobreza en numerosos espacios de la vida nacional durante el decenio. Esos recelos volvieron a aflorar durante los días del Mariel y la Embajada de Perú: declararse lesbiana u homosexual (el término gay no era frecuente en el habla cubana de esos días aún) era una especie de salvoconducto inmediato para quienes querían abandonar el país rumbo a los Estados Unidos, a pesar de la amenaza de golpiza, o tener que avanzar a través de una muchedumbre que gritaba ofensas homofóbicas con la misma intensidad con la que lanzaba huevos podridos contra esos «desafectos». La memoria tarda en sanar. La memoria del cuerpo también tiene su propio canal de biografías.

La memoria tarda en sanar. La memoria del cuerpo también tiene su propio canal de biografías.

Esas memorias han demorado en añadirse a la narrativa que repasa esos acontecimientos. Los libros y testimonios que en su mayoría dan fe de esos rechazos y traumas comenzaron a aparecer fuera de Cuba, ya en los 80, y la llegada de la generación de los marielitos a Estados Unidos de América abrió una brecha de información que dio pie a volúmenes y documentales (Improper Conduct, de 1984, sigue siendo el más famoso y debatido), y que desde nuestro aparato partidista se leyó o denunció como una maniobra difamatoria contra la Revolución.

Ha sido un proceso arduo, doloroso, en el que las zonas de apertura o la desaparición de leyes que criminalizaban la homosexualidad y la existencia de «seres extravagantes», fluctuaba entre períodos de flexibilidad intermitentes y la insistencia en recordar que el cuerpo revolucionario de ese Hombre Nuevo imaginado por Ernesto Ché Guevara era, sobre todo, un cuerpo impenetrable.

De la marginación al «activismo oficial»

A fines de esa década, en el albor mismo de los años 90, una nueva generación de artistas había empezado a quebrar esas nociones tan rígidas, y mediante el quehacer de poetas, narradores, teatristas y figuras de la plástica, el valor de lo ambiguo, de la duda, de la necesidad de saltar sobre vetos y censuras, así como la posibilidad de que los cuerpos fueran celebrados más allá de las campañas de la zafra, las misiones internacionalistas, y otras imágenes aprobadas por el discurso oficial, consiguió hacer más respirable al país para aquellas personas que habían tenido que reprimir palabras y gestos a fin de evitar la estigmatización que, en no pocos casos, incluía el no poder optar por determinadas carreras universitarias o puestos de trabajo.

En 1989 se crea, precisamente, el Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual (CENESEX), derivado del Grupo Nacional de Trabajo de Educación Sexual, fundado a instancias de la Federación de Mujeres Cubanas, en 1974. Durante esos últimos años de la década, el rostro del doctor Celestino Lajonchere y de la doctora alemana Monika Krause se habían ido abriendo paso en programas televisivos y en otros medios, como principales voceros de la campaña de educación sexual que en sus primeros momentos estaba más enfocada en la instrucción acerca del uso de métodos anticonceptivos o la prevención del embarazo en edad adolescente, hasta llegar al gran tema tabú que era el homosexualismo.

La publicación de libros como En defensa del amor y ¿Piensas ya en el amor? convirtieron a esos títulos en best-sellers, confirmando la necesidad de una variante menos anticuada, pacata y moralizante de la sexualidad, que vino acompañada por otros materiales y películas (como Siete pecas, el filme  de Hermann Zschoche sobre el amor juvenil que incluía una feliz escena de desnudos de la pareja protagónica, producido en la República Democrática Alemana en 1978) que apuntaban a un relajamiento y mejor comprensión de estos asuntos en nuestra cotidianidad. Los años 90 fueron de dureza inimaginada hasta entonces, tras la caída del Socialismo del Este. En ese nuevo ámbito de carencias, Cuba se tuvo que reinventar. Y sus cuerpos también lo hicieron.

Los años 90 fueron de dureza inimaginada hasta entonces, tras la caída del Socialismo del Este. En ese nuevo ámbito de carencias, Cuba se tuvo que reinventar.

En mayo de 2008, el CENESEX sale definitivamente del clóset. La institución, ya bajo la dirección de Mariela Castro Espín, lanza ese año su segunda celebración del Día Internacional contra la Homofobia, la Transfobia y la Bifobia, con una campaña de alcance nacional que va más allá de los muros de su sede en el Vedado, e inunda la Rampa y el Pabellón Cuba en un acontecimiento sin precedentes.

Las reacciones fueron también diversas y apasionadas, incluidas esas que pensaron que se le arrebataba al campesinado su fecha más importante. Pero se comenzó ahí a naturalizar un concepto que sin dudas relocalizó al homosexual, a la lesbiana, a las personas trans, a los pacientes de VIH/Sida y a todo ese conjunto de cuerpos diversos en el imaginario nacional.

Lo que habían logrado poco a poco los artistas y creadores, desde los primero cuentos y poemas sobre el asunto y luego Senel Paz con «El lobo, el bosque y el hombre nuevo» y su versión cinematográfica: Fresa y chocolate, hasta los atrevimientos de Ramón Silverio y su Centro Cultural El Mejunje (en Santa Clara), obtenía otro nivel de legitimidad otorgado por el peso político del linaje de la directora del CENESEX, y el apoyo logrado por ella de diversas entidades e instituciones para gestar lo que en aquel 17 de mayo apareció en los titulares no solo de Cuba, sino en numerosas partes del mundo.

De ese paso de avance, podía esperarse más. Y en cierta medida, con discusiones, aperturas, tibiezas y desafíos, eso fue lo que la comunidad cubana LGBTIQ del país vivió, dentro y fuera de los márgenes del CENESEX, hasta mayo de 2019, cuando lo conseguido y lo aún por lograr se estremeció, se detuvo, y desde mi perspectiva, no ha logrado conciliar sus extremos tras lo ocurrido aquel 11 de mayo.

Los silencios del presente

A seis años de aquella marcha convocada por los activistas LGBTIQ de Cuba como respuesta a la suspensión de la Conga por la Diversidad —versión reducida del Gay Pride que el CENESEX desde el 2008 había implantado como un pequeño desfile a lo largo de varias cuadras de la Rampa— estoy leyendo el libro que el investigador y activista puertorriqueño Wilfred Labiosa publicó en 2024 bajo el título La Revolución LGBT en Cuba, aparecido por el sello Deletrea en Estados Unidos de América.

Ese día, el 11 de mayo de 2019, no existe en tal volumen, a pesar de que su autor reconoce en su epílogo que lo culminó «sentado junto a la ventana de uno de los nuevos hoteles de La Habana», en mayo de 2022. En el prólogo, firmado por Camilo García López-Trigo y Alberto Roque, ligados en un determinado momento al CENESEX, tampoco puede localizarse esa fecha.

Pareciera que, como afirmé hace un par de años, ese día nunca existió, a la manera en que Dulce María Loynaz hablaba de otra fecha en uno de sus poemas. Pero sí existió, sucedió. Y curiosamente, la ausencia en un libro como este, que se supone una guía para quien quiera conocer el devenir de las personas LGBTIQ en la historia de Cuba, lo hace mucho más visible.

Pareciera que, como afirmé hace un par de años, ese día nunca existió, a la manera en que Dulce María Loynaz hablaba de otra fecha en uno de sus poemas.

El volumen de Labiosa, quien ha visitado nuestro país con el auspicio y beneplácito del CENESEX, es su carta de agradecimiento a esta institución. Desde la propia narrativa de blanqueamiento a conveniencia de ciertos aspectos de esa línea histórica que pretende abordar, anula la existencia de libros previos e investigaciones que lo preceden para evitar enumerar conflictos y tensiones que sí han evidenciado otros estudios sobre el tema como los realizados por Víctor Fowler, Jesús J. Barquet, Alberto Abreu, Jesús Jambrina, Francisco Morán, Yoandy Cabrera, Mabel Cuesta, y otros investigadores como José Quiroga, Carlos Espinosa, Rubén Ríos Ávila o Daniel Balderston.

El título se trata de una elección cuidadosa y suspicaz que elimina referentes, se ahorra citar ciertos autores y anécdotas, y así como se extiende en tratar de explicar qué fueron las Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción, adelantándole al CENESEX la investigación prometida sobre esos campos de trabajo forzado en los que fueron recluidos entre 1965 y 1968 homosexuales, disidentes políticos y religiosos.

Lo esbozado se limita a un mapa que incluye no pocos agujeros negros, a fin de que otras probabilidades de activismos gestados fuera de esa institución sean al menos mencionados en este libro: una visión edulcorada y suavizante que recuerda la del documental En marcha con Mariela Castro, producido por HBO durante el breve idilio entre Cuba y Estados Unidos durante la administración Obama.

No hay aquí mención, digamos, de lo que revelaron los números de la revista Mariel, de la cual fue parte Reinaldo Arenas, o de un libro como Gays under Cuban Revolution, publicado por Young Allen en 1981 y que cuenta con traducción al español de 1984. Asegura no haber encontrado libros sobre las UMAPS, aunque existan varios sobre el tema: desde la novela Un ciervo herido, de Félix Luis Viera o La mueca de la paloma negra, de Jorge Ronet, hasta otros como La UMAP. El gulag castrista, de Enrique Ros (2004), o por supuesto, El cuerpo nunca olvida, de Abel Sierra Madero, el estudio más amplio sobre ese doloroso asunto, aparecido en 2022 por el sello Rialta Ediciones. Del mismo autor, Labiosa cita un artículo, pero no Del otro lado del espejo, ganador del Premio Casa de las Américas en 2006, que cubre zonas de las que asegura tampoco halló referencias.

A partir de ello, Labiosa asegura que su libro «es único, en la medida en que se enfoca únicamente en la comunidad LGBT viviendo en Cuba desde su fundación, durante la Revolución y bajo el liderato de los hermanos Castro». Asegura de inmediato que «muchos (tal vez todos) los libros y proyectos anteriores han tratado la homosexualidad como datos secundarios en entrevistas, o con aquellos que huyeron de Cuba y viven en España o en los Estados Unidos, específicamente en Nueva Jersey o la Florida». Al parecer no se detuvo, en la redacción de este libro que es parte de su investigación académica, en lo que como testimonio directo de su experiencia en la Isla apuntó, por ejemplo, Ernesto Cardenal sobre estos asuntos en las páginas de su muy conocido libro En Cuba, fechado en 1974.

Tal afirmación hubiera sido creíble a mediados o fines de los 80. Ya no. De entonces a acá han aparecido testimonios, libros, artículos y documentales que amplían ese circuito de referencias, que Labiosa desconoce o prefiere eludir. Habla de Fresa y chocolate, y de documentales como Mariposas en el andamio y Gay Cuba, pero ignora otros documentales previos, como No porque lo diga Fidel Castro (1988), el primero acerca de estos asuntos que produjo la Escuela Internacional de Cine de San Antonio de los Baños, o En busca de un espacio, estrenado en 1993, o los de Lizette Vila en ese periodo.

El encomiable trabajo de Ramón Silverio en El Mejunje ocupa aquí todo un capítulo, pero más allá de las simpatías de ese gestor cultural y comunitario, otros espacios y creadores también han hecho su obra, contra viento y marea, para incluir esas temáticas y discusiones, no pocas veces enfrentado censura y recelos que culminaron empujándolos al exilio, no simplemente «huyendo» de Cuba.

Labiosa desconoce o prefiere no comprometerse, y «olvida» eventos, exposiciones, proyectos, obras teatrales, la rehabilitación de autores como Lezama o Piñera y Arrufat, poemas, cuentos, antologías ya imprescindibles en este tipo de repaso. Habla de la aparición en Cuba del VIH Sida y de la reclusión a la que fueron sometidos sus primeros pacientes, pero no da referencia acerca de los soldados internacionalistas que trajeron de regreso el virus, historia revelada en obras como el filme El acompañante (Pavel Giroud, 2015) o en libros de Miguel Ángel Fraga.

Labiosa desconoce o prefiere no comprometerse, y «olvida» eventos, exposiciones, proyectos, obras teatrales, la rehabilitación de autores como Lezama o Piñera y Arrufat, poemas, cuentos, antologías ya imprescindibles en este tipo de repaso.

Varias de sus afirmaciones no vienen de pruebas documentales o referencias precisas, acerca de la célebre canción «Siboney», asegura, por ejemplo: «compuesta por Ernesto Lecuona se considera como una de las primeras sobre amor gay», añadiendo que esa fue la «canción principal» de Esther Borja, como si «Damisela encantadora» jamás hubiese existido en el repertorio de dicha cantante, en el que fue su imborrable carta de presentación. Menciona además a Pablo Milanés por su canción «El pecado original», a Amaury Pérez y a Silvio Rodríguez pero no a iconos como Bola de Nieve, Luis Carbonell, Sara González o Teresita Fernández.

Alineado a la narrativa del CENESEX, el libro de Labiosa, participante frecuente en las Jornadas de esa entidad, elude hablar del 11 de mayo de 2019, pero menciona de paso las manifestaciones de julio de 2021: «Curiosamente, miembros de la comunidad LGBT participaron en las protestas contra el gobierno cubano liderado por Miguel Díaz-Canel, en el verano de 2021, donde fueron encarceladas cientos de personas, muchas de las cuales siguen en prisión». Y se apresura en aclarar: «Las manifestaciones, que se llevaron a cabo en Estados Unidos, Europa y Cuba, fueron organizadas y subvencionadas por personas que residen fuera de Cuba. Los participantes ondearon banderas del orgullo LGBT y varios líderes llamaron la atención de noticieros de todo el mundo, pero no representan la totalidad y complejidad del movimiento LGBT en la patria».

Labiosa, a quien conocí en La Habana durante una de esas visitas, trata de simplificar la dimensión de lo ocurrido en 2021 mediante una comparación poco feliz con las protestas y represalias sufridas por quienes salieron a las calles durante los días del Black Lives Matter. El asunto es mucho más complicado y exige ir más allá en su análisis, tal y como dije a quienes intentaron etiquetar a lo sucedido en mayo del 2019 como un «Stonewall a la cubana».

El asunto es mucho más complicado y exige ir más allá en su análisis, tal y como dije a quienes intentaron etiquetar a lo sucedido en mayo del 2019 como un «Stonewall a la cubana».

Haciendo algunos ajustes mínimos, Labiosa apela a la misma narrativa que ante las cámaras de la Mesa Redonda del 13 de mayo de 2019 empleó Mariela Castro, junto a otros representantes del CENESEX para inferiorizar y demeritar a quienes bajaron desde el Parque Central hasta Malecón, movilizados por el simple anhelo de no perder el espacio público, el de la calle, tan simbólico en nuestro país, y que el propio CENESEX había ganado en su salida del clóset.

La intervención de la policía, la violencia de ese momento, la detención de varios activistas a los que ni siquiera se les permitió llegar a ese punto de convocatoria (el mismo en el cual, el 1 de mayo de 1995, marchamos algunos con la Rainbow Flag junto a activistas norteamericanos, para total sorpresa de los dirigentes  que no nos esperaban en tal acto), y la salida posterior del país de algunos a los cuales ese cerco los llevó a esa decisión tan dolorosa, es parte de un momento que no puede invisibilizarse porque sí[9].

A seis años de ese 11 de mayo, sigo sintiendo que algo se quebró ahí que no ha podido resolverse en diálogos posteriores, ni siquiera con la aprobación del matrimonio igualitario en Cuba. Bastó ese momento, frente al malecón, para desencadenar varios síntomas: la comunidad LGBTIQ, tan preterida y silenciada, podía organizarse en una aparición de ese tipo sin la anuencia oficial; el espacio de la calle podía, de pronto, ser un canal de otras demandas y símbolos.

En el libro de Labiosa, que intenta incluso reducir a un diagrama de power point el complejo proceso de lo que han vivido las personas LGBTIQ de Cuba, agradezco la aparición de algunos testimonios, porque insisto en creer que eso es lo que más necesitamos: reconocer las voces de los otros, de las otras personas que han vivido en su biografía estos años de un modo íntimo, con su dosis individual de épica, a despecho de quienes no les consideran parte de un modelo de vida donde la ideología y la moral pretenden limitar los derechos del cuerpo y el deseo.

Ello no aparece en su libro, donde hay testimonios de quienes se reconozcan como parte de ese núcleo de personas, pero no de quienes trabajan y crean fuera de los límites de la institución a la que él halaga sin recatos. Fiel al título de su libro, como si parafraseara al vuelo las célebres Palabras a los intelectuales, este es un repaso en tono generalmente didáctico a la idea de «Dentro de la Revolución LGBT en Cuba todo, fuera de la Revolución LGBT en Cuba, nada». Aunque ya sabemos que la frase literal pronunciada en la Biblioteca Nacional, no es exactamente esa.

En una línea, su autor afirma algo con lo cual, al menos, estoy de acuerdo: «El futuro de la comunidad LGBT en Cuba es incierto». Pero podemos decir eso acerca de muchas otras zonas de la sociedad cubana. Por encima de la disidencia o la normatividad del deseo, la pregunta que Cuba tiene ahora mismo ante sí y toda su sociedad incluye esa incertidumbre. Las loas a la directiva del Cenesex, escritas desde la comodidad del nuevo hotel donde se hospeda el autor, no logran disimular esas tensiones que hoy nos acompañan.

Recordar este día no es insistir en la herida abierta, en el momento incómodo, ni en la maniobra de hacerle el trabajo a ninguno de los extremos aquí enfrentados. La memoria dicta su propia noción de historia y sobrevivencia, y genera su propio activismo de cuerpos y recuerdos. En mi calendario personal, el 11 de mayo contiene numerosos significados y sobre todo, muchos nombres. Los de quienes me han acompañado en el activismo desde que aparecieron mis primeros textos y desde esa comunidad me hicieron sentir menos solo, hasta los de quienes, más allá de acuerdos y disensos, han jugado roles importantes en el rostro múltiple que ahora somos, y que tras ese 2019, el 2021, la pandemia y tantas nociones de la crisis interna y externa, multiplican estos ecos en las Cubas del mundo. En esa incertidumbre, recuerdo y vivo. Esa es la batalla. De la memoria, la del presente. Y la de nuestro futuro.

Norge Espinosa Mendoza es poeta, crítico y dramaturgo. Asesor teatral de la compañía El Público desde hace 20 años. Editor de las memorias del coreógrafo Ramiro Guerra y coautor del volumen dedicado a los Premios Nacionales de Teatro, que aún esperan por papel y tinta para ver la luz.

The College of Cardinals on Thursday elected Cardinal Robert Prevost from Chicago as the Catholic Church’s next pope.

Leo XIV’s election took place less than three weeks after Pope Francis died at Casa Santa Marta, his official residence at the Vatican. The conclave to choose his successor began on Wednesday.

Leo XIV, who was born in Chicago in 1955, is the first American pope.

Leo XIV was bishop of the Diocese of Chiclayo in Peru from 2015-2023. Francis made him a cardinal in 2023

“We salute the appointment of the new Pope Leo XVI,” said the U.S. Embassy in Peru on X. “A celebration for the world’s Catholics, and a joy especially shared between the American people and the Peruvian people. From Chicago to Chiclayo.”

U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Calif.), a gay man of Peruvian descent, also congratulated Leo XIV.

“As a Catholic and Peruvian American, I wish Pope Leo XIV strength as he steps into his role as a global and spiritual leader,” said the California Democrat on X. “He has demonstrated that he believes in justice for the poor and immigrants. May his leadership reflect these ideals as he spreads peace across the world.”

As a Catholic and Peruvian American, I wish Pope Leo XIV strength as he steps into his role as a global and spiritual leader. He has demonstrated that he believes in justice for the poor and immigrants. May his leadership reflect these ideals as he spreads peace across the world.

— Congressman Robert Garcia (@RepRobertGarcia) May 8, 2025

Francis died on April 21 at Casa Santa Marta, his official residence at the Vatican. The conclave to choose the Argentine pontiff’s successor began on Wednesday.

The Vatican’s tone on LGBTQ+ and intersex issues softened under Francis’s papacy, even though church teachings on homosexuality did not change.

Francis, among other things, described laws that criminalize consensual same-sex sexual relations as “unjust” and supported civil unions for gays and lesbians. Transgender people were among those who greeted Francis’s coffin at Rome’s St. Mary Major Basilica before his burial on April 26.

The New York Times reported Leo XIV in a 2012 speech to bishops specifically cited “homosexual lifestyle” and “alternative families comprised of same-sex partners and their adopted children” when he said Western media and popular culture has promoted “sympathy for beliefs and practices that are at odds with the gospel”

Marianne Duddy-Burke, executive director of DignityUSA, a group that represents LGBTQ+ Catholics, traveled to Rome for the conclave.

She told the Los Angeles Blade in a text message from St. Peter’s Square shortly after Leo XIV’s election that she “heard him speak” last October and “found him thoughtful and gently challenging.”

“[He] hasn’t said a lot since early 2010s. [I] hope he has evolved,” said Duddy-Burke. “His commitment to synodality is a hopeful sign.”

Her group later issued a statement.

“This election appears to signal a willingness to continue building on Pope Francis’s commitment to synodality and social justice,” said DignityUSA. “We pray that the needs of those whom our church has historically marginalized, including LGBTQ+ people and their families, will continue to be heard and addressed by the Vatican and other church leaders.”

Francis DeBernardo, executive director of New Ways Ministry, a Maryland-based LGBTQ+ Catholic organization, in a statement said there is “a special pride in having the first pope from the United States, his longtime ministry in Latin America most likely had an equally formative influence on his spirituality and approach to church issues.” DeBernardo, however, criticized Leo XIV’s 2012 comments.

“We pray that in the 13 years that have passed, 12 of which were under the papacy of Pope Francis, that his heart and mind have developed more progressively on LGBTQ+ issues, and we will take a wait-and-see attitude to see if that has happened,” he said.

“We pray that as our church transitions from 12 years of an historic papacy, Pope Leo XIV will continue the welcome and outreach to LGBTQ+ people which Pope Francis inaugurated,” added DeBernardo. “The healing that began with ‘Who am I to judge?’ needs to continue and grow to ‘Who am I, if not a friend to LGBTQ+ people?'” 

DignityUSA agreed.

“We express concern with the former Cardinal’s statements — as reported in the New York Times — in a 2012 address to bishops, where he stated that Western news media and popular culture fostered ‘sympathy for beliefs and practices that are at odds with the gospel’ including the ‘homosexual lifestyle’ and ‘alternative families comprised of same-sex partners and their adopted children.'” We note that this statement was made during the papacy of Benedict XVI, when doctrinal adherence appeared to be expected,” said the organization in its statement. “In addition, the voices of LGBTQ people were rarely heard at that level of church leadership. We pray that Pope Leo XIV will demonstrate a willingness to listen and grow as he begins his new role as the leader of the global church.”

Brazilian Jaime Braz Tarallo created a crossdresser studio 16 years ago so that his male clients could put their other identity into practice. He has worked with more than 5,500 people over the last decade.

According to the businessman, the most important thing is that they feel fulfilled to embody the opposite gender. 

“The goal is to be a woman; to feel like a woman,” he says. 

It’s a unique opportunity for men to express their feminine side in secrecy and away from judgment. Braz, who has also been a crossdresser for 25 years, shares his life with his alter ego, Lizz Camargo, an elegant lady in a blonde wig who agreed to talk about her business with the Washington Blade.

Camargo provides much more than a safe place to be transformed. She gives individual advice, offering make-up and costumes so that the experience is complete from start to finish. To ensure confidentiality, she sees clients one at a time and only by prior appointment to avoid encounters between clients when leaving and arriving at the venue. 

“They want to be feminine and made up, and I’m here to help them get their feminization wish fulfilled,” she says.

On the crossdresser studio’s website, the client chooses a package of services, each one covering a number of items and the duration of the experience, along with waxing and some additional services. Make-up and costumes are essential, and the clientele is mostly married men with children who describe themselves as heterosexual, but crossdress in secret.

Once they have chosen their package, they tell Camargo their weight, height, and shoe size, and she, based on her know-how, chooses a few pieces according to their measurements. On average, the client tries on four outfits and decides which one she likes best. If he’s a bear, Camargo says she has tricks to hide the hair on his legs and chest. 

The important thing is to always maintain femininity.

Camargo’s collection includes several costumes (dresses and lingerie), shoes (in men’s sizes), accessories that include gloves and hats, and 72 wigs of all colors to transform any man into a woman. The space has armchairs and a dressing table for makeup, all with a feminine touch. Packages start at $76, with prices gradually increasing according to what is offered.

Discretion is essential in this often misunderstood world, where the first contact is always made by phone. Even going to the studio is a slow process that can take months. Camargo explains her clients are opening up about their intimacy to someone, and this creates insecurity at first. 

“I would say that 80 percent of them arrive at the studio with a lot of apprehension, fear, and anxiety,” she said.

One of Camargo’s clients is Sheilla, who agreed to speak to the Blade as long as her real name was not revealed. For her, the moments as a crossdresser are something unique. 

“When I have the chance to be ‘in femme,’ because I am a convinced crossdresser, I feel fulfilled in my desire to see myself as a woman,” she said, having crossdressed for five years. 

Most of Camargo’s clients are recurrent, some coming to the studio twice a month, others less frequently. She sees around 25 people a month, and foreigners are not uncommon.

“I’ve seen around 15 people from more conservative countries like Portugal, Mexico, and Ireland, where crossdressing is forbidden, and also from Paraguay, Uruguay, Chile, and one person from the United States (Detroit),” she said.

Camargo explained they are people who have come to Brazil for work, and not specifically to dress in the opposite gender.

An outspoken crossdresser like Camargo is something of a rarity; even the outfits they wear are discreet, as if that were the intention. She, however, at least three times a year organizes dinners and cocktail parties at her studio that usually bring together around 50 crossdressers who feel comfortable around other people like her. Camargo four times a year also organizes Queen Cross Night, a party where crossdressers can walk on a catwalk as a team of judges watch them in a kind of beauty pageant.

“The objective is femininity, posture, and elegance — basic requirements — and of course the clothes she is wearing in the contest,” Camargo told the Blade. 

The caterpillar turns into a butterfly

The experienced crossdresser says that most of them start out in childhood, secretly wearing their mother’s or sister’s clothes. As adults, they do it at home when they are alone and often even get rid of the clothes afterwards so that their family doesn’t suspect anything. Contrary to what many people think, they don’t have to be gay but rather have a strong desire to feel like a woman, even if only for a few hours, although Camargo notices a tendency towards bisexuality. 

“I would say that 90 percent are bisexual, even without knowing it or accepting it; some have the desire to be in bed with another man,” she said.

Camargo notes that during the “metamorphosis” process her clients’ posture changes, with a subtle change in voice, way of walking, and behavior, as if the feminine soul were gradually emerging. Unlike gays, lesbians, and transgender people, crossdressers prefer secrecy, as if they were a secret sisterhood; it is not uncommon for Camargo to become a confidante to her clients, who sometimes ask her advice on whether they should reveal the secret to their wives. At this point, she points out to the client that his wife married his masculine side.

One of her oldest clients is 96-years-old, and his wife helped him build his feminine version. He found a way to express himself in the studio after she died five years ago.

Camargo said he looks identical to Queen Elizabeth after his transformation. Although rare, the studio sometimes receives couples where the wife is aware of her husband’s crossdressing side and deals with it well. 

“I see it as a privilege, a cross, with the acceptance and complicity of his wife, makes everything lighter and more interesting for him,” said Camargo.

Of the various package options, three are different. 

In one of them, the crossdresser can stay in the space for one night (wearing a nightgown); in another, she can go on an outing, such as going to a concert or a restaurant as a crossdresser, although it’s not very common. But one of the unique and desired by almost everyone, according to her, is a bridal day. 

“You become a bride, with make-up, false nails, and a wedding dress with a veil, wreath, and bouquet of flowers,” said Camargo. 

The experience, which lasts four and a half hours, costs around $144. Sheilla is one of those who had this experience, which also included photos taken outside.

When the fairy tale ends

The sessions last between three and five hours, depending on the package requested, because the make-up needs to be removed calmly and without a trace. During this process, Camargo often notices a look of sadness when the crossdresser start to come apart; it’s as if the enchantment has come to an end. That’s when the lady becomes a gentleman again, and everything returns to the way it was before.

Camargo can be seen as a visionary. 

In addition to having created an original business in Brazil, she also saw another way to diversify the enterprise for those outside of São Paulo. With this in mind, she travels to other cities and states to carry out a makeover: Bringing clothes, wigs, and shoes in her suitcase. The client in such a case pays for the package and travel expenses. Camargo said she has been to practically every state in Brazil.

Carla, a crossdresser who is another one of Camargo’s clients, lamented the lack of spaces for the crossdresser community.

“There should be more places like this, a lot of people have this desire, but they can’t make it happen,” she said. 

Sheilla suggested something more detailed. 

“It would be interesting to have a place just for us, like a pub or nightclub,” she said.

André Aram is a Brazilian freelance journalist who lives in Rio de Janeiro. He has worked for several media outlets in Brazil and abroad over the last several years. He is passionate about unusual stories and characters.

One of the cardinals who is reportedly in the running to succeed Pope Francis has described homosexuality as an “abomination.”

Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu, the archbishop of Kinshasa in Congo, made the comment in a Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar statement in response to Francis’s 2023 decision to allow priests to bless same-sex couples.

“Within the church family of God in Africa, this declaration has caused a shockwave, it has sown misconceptions and unrest in the minds of many lay faithful, consecrated persons, and even pastors and has aroused strong reactions,” wrote Ambongo in the Jan. 11, 2024, statement he signed. “The African Bishops’ Conferences emphasize that people with a homosexual tendency must be treated with respect and dignity, while reminding them that unions of persons of the same sex are contrary to the will of God and therefore cannot receive the blessing of the church.”

The statement notes several Biblical passages that “condemn homosexuality, notably Lv. 18:22-23 where homosexuality is explicitly prohibited and considered an abomination.”

“In addition to these biblical reasons, the cultural context in Africa, deeply rooted in the values of the natural law regarding marriage and family, further complicates the acceptance of unions of persons of the same sex, as they are seen as contradictory to cultural norms and intrinsically corrupt,” it reads.

Ambongo, who is president of the Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar, in 2024 said homosexuality “does not exist” in Africa outside of “a few isolated cases.” La Croix, a French Catholic newspaper, reported he made the comment during a rally that took place outside of Kinshasa.

Actualité, an online Congolese newspaper, reported Ambongo reiterated his opposition to homosexuality and same-sex unions in his 2023 Christmas message.

“Same-sex unions are not accepted in our church,” he said. “Although homosexuals should be treated with respect, compassion, and sensitivity, homosexuality remains a moral disorder contrary to natural law and our African culture.”

Jérémie Safari, executive director of Rainbow Sunrise Mapambazuko, a Congolese LGBTQ+ rights group, criticized Ambongo when he spoke with the Los Angeles Blade.

“This cardinal is very homophobic; very, very homophobic,” said Safari.

Francis died on April 21.

The Vatican’s tone on LGBTQ+ and intersex issues softened under the Argentine-born pope’s papacy, even though church teachings on homosexuality did not change.

Francis, among other things, described laws that criminalize consensual same-sex sexual relations as “unjust” and supported civil unions for gays and lesbians.

Francis last August met with two African activists — Clare Byarugaba of Chapter Four Uganda and Rightify Ghana Director Ebenezer Peegah — at the Vatican last August. Francis in 2023 visited Congo and South Sudan.

Juan Carlos Cruz, a GLAAD board member who survived clerical sex abuse in Chile, is among the hundreds of thousands of people who attended Francis’s funeral that took place at the Vatican on April 26. Transgender people were among those who greeted Francis’s coffin at Rome’s St. Mary Major Basilica before his burial.

The conclave to select Francis’s successor will begin on May 7.

The Associated Press notes Vatican Secretary of State Cardinal Pietro Parolin; Cardinal Luis Antonio Tagle, the former archbishop of Manila in the Philippines; Archbishop of Bologna (Italy) Cardinal Matteo Zuppi; and Archbishop of Esztergom-Budapest (Hungary) Cardinal Peter Erdo are among those who are considered potential Francis successors.

“He [Erdo] has been reluctant to take positions on several of the government’s policies that divided society in Hungary, such as public campaigns that villainized migrants and refugees and laws that eroded the rights of LGBTQ+ communities,” said the AP.

New Ways Ministry, a Maryland-based LGBTQ+ Catholic organization, in an April 21 statement said it hopes “our loving God, who is a God of justice and equality, will continue to bless us by extending Francis’ welcoming and inclusive message in the next papacy.”

Anti-LGBTQ+ Catholic figures offered a far different view.

Doug Mainwaring — described as a “marriage, family, and children’s rights activist” — on Monday described Guinean Cardinal Robert Sarah as “the only conclave participant to counter LGBT ambiguity and lies of Francis pontificate” in a post that LifeSiteNews, an anti-LGBTQ+ Canadian Catholic website, published.

“There is just one cardinal about to enter the conclave who is crystal clear, fearless, and uncompromising with the truth when it comes to pastoring those of us who experience same-sex attraction and gender confusion: Cardinal Robert Sarah,” wrote Mainwaring. 

Mainwaring also highlighted anti-LGBTQ+ comments that Sarah made in his 2019 book.

“I think that the first victims of the LGBT ideology are the persons who experience a homosexual orientation. They are led by its militants to reduce their whole identity to their sexual behavior,” Sarah wrote, according to Mainwaring. “I beg Catholics who are tempted by homosexuality not to let themselves be shut away in this prison of LGBT ideology. You are a child of God by baptism! Your place is in the church, like all Christians. And if sometimes the spiritual combat becomes too hard, fraternal charity will support you.”

Catholic League President Bill Donohue on April 22 urged the cardinals to consider an African counterpart to succeed Francis.

“If the cardinals decide to choose someone who is a traditionalist, they can do no better than to look to Africa. It is home to the most brilliant orthodox clergy in the world,” said Donohue. “If the cardinals want to choose someone more like Francis, they will look to Europe.”

Pope Francis died on Monday at his official residence at the Vatican. He was 88.

Cardinal Kevin Farrell, the Vatican camerlengo, said Francis passed away at Casa Santa Marta at 7:35 a.m. local time (1:35 a.m. ET.)

“His entire life was dedicated to the service of the Lord and of his church,” said Farrell. “He taught us to live the values of the Gospel with fidelity, courage, and universal love, especially in favor of the poorest and most marginalized. With immense gratitude for his example as a true disciple of the Lord Jesus, we commend the soul of Pope Francis to the infinite merciful love of the one and triune God.”

Francis, a Jesuit who was previously known as Jorge Mario Bergoglio, was born in Buenos Aires to Italian immigrant parents in 1936. He became archbishop of the Argentine capital in 1998.

Pope John Paul II in 2001 appointed him cardinal. The College of Cardinals in 2013 elected Francis to succeed Pope Benedict XVI after he resigned.

Francis vehemently opposed Argentina’s marriage equality law that then-President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner signed in 2010. Francis as pope backed civil unions for gays and lesbians and in 2023 said priests can bless same-sex couples.

Francis in 2023 said laws that criminalize homosexuality are “unjust.” He appointed Robert McElroy, an LGBTQ+-friendly cardinal from San Diego, as the new archbishop of Washington.

The pontiff in 2015 met with a group of gay, transgender, and HIV-positive prisoners in the Italian city of Naples. A Vatican charity in 2020 gave money to a group of trans sex workers in Italy who were struggling to survive during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Francis last October met with a group of trans and intersex Catholics and LGBTQ+ allies at the Vatican. GLAAD President Sarah Kate Ellis and Juan Carlos Cruz, a gay Chilean man who is a clergy sex abuse survivor, are among those who also met with Francis during his papacy.

Church teachings on homosexuality and gender identity, however, did not change under his papacy.

“From the early months of his papacy when he uttered the now-iconic ‘Who am I to judge?’ in response to a question about accepting gay priests, through numerous affirming pastoral messages to individual LGBTQ+ people, to his support for civil unions, and his condemnation of criminalization laws, Pope Francis has changed the church irreversibly by allowing people to see how their Catholic faith requires acceptance and equality,” said Francis DeBernardo, executive director of New Ways Ministry, a Mount Rainier, Md., based LGBTQ+ Catholic advocacy organization, in a statement.

DignityUSA Executive Director Marianne Duddy-Burke met Francis in 2023.

The group in a statement acknowledged the pontiff’s “legacy on LGBTQ+ issues is complicated,” noting “even with the recognition of so many positive words and actions, church teachings and even some recent Vatican documents remain problematic.” DignityUSA President Meli Barber nevertheless praised Francis.

“We also recognize that Pope Francis has raised awareness of LGBTQ+ issues in our church in truly unprecedented ways,” said Barber. “He spoke about us using our own terms and made a point of being seen meeting with LGBTQ+ people frequently. This sent a message of recognition and inclusion we never experienced from the Vatican before.”

Pope’s legacy is ‘mixed’

Activists in Argentina and around the world also mourned Francis.

“We mourn his death and embrace the people who are suffering today because of his passing,” LGBT Federation of Argentina President María Rachid told the Washington Blade.

Dindi Tan, national president of LGBT Pilipinas in the Philippines, on her Facebook page wrote Francis “was unafraid to challenge age-old dogmas and to ‘rattle’ the cage.” Pedro Julio Serrano, president of the Puerto Rico LGBTQ+ Federation, said Francis was an “ally of equity, humanity and dignity of LGBTQ+ people, not only during his pontificate, but throughout his life.”

Peter Tatchell, a long-time LGBTQ+ activist from the U.K. who is director of the Peter Tatchell Foundation, in a statement acknowledged Francis’s “more compassionate tone towards sexual minorities” that includes blessings for same-sex couples. Tatchell, nevertheless, pointed out the Vatican under Francis’s papacy continued to oppose marriage equality and trans rights.

“The Catholic Church remains a force for discrimination and suffering,” said Tatchell. “Under his leadership, the Vatican continued to oppose same-sex marriage and trans rights. Catholic bishops lobbied against the decriminalization of homosexuality in many parts of the world. The Vatican still upholds the homophobic edicts of the Catechism, which denounces the sexual expression of same-sex love as a ‘grave depravity’ and ‘intrinsically disordered.’ Francis’s legacy is, therefore, a mixed one — offering some progress but leaving deep-rooted inequalities largely intact.”

Vance met with Francis on Easter Sunday

Francis earlier this year spent more than a month in a Rome hospital after he developed double pneumonia.

He met with Vice President JD Vance at the Vatican on Easter Sunday, hours before his death.

The pope had previously criticized the Trump-Vance administration over its immigration policies.

“I just learned of the passing of Pope Francis,” said Vance on X after the Vatican announced Francis’s death. “My heart goes out to the millions of Christians all over the world who loved him.”

I just learned of the passing of Pope Francis. My heart goes out to the millions of Christians all over the world who loved him.

I was happy to see him yesterday, though he was obviously very ill. But I’ll always remember him for the below homily he gave in the very early days…

— JD Vance (@JDVance) April 21, 2025

Argentine President Javier Milei, who previously criticized Francis, mourned him in a statement he posted to X. Milei also announced Argentina will observe seven days of mourning.

“It is with profound sorrow that I learned this sad morning that Pope Francis, Jorge Bergoglio, passed away today and is now resting in peace,” said Milei. “Despite differences that seem minor today, having been able to know him in his goodness and wisdom was a true honor for me.”

“As president, as an Argentine, and, fundamentally, as a man of faith, I bid farewell to the Holy Father and stand with all of us who meet today with this sad news,” he added.

ADIÓS
Con profundo dolor me entero esta triste mañana que el Papa Francisco, Jorge Bergoglio, falleció hoy y ya se encuentra descansando en paz. A pesar de diferencias que hoy resultan menores, haber podido conocerlo en su bondad y sabiduría fue un verdadero honor para mí.… pic.twitter.com/3dPPFoNWBr

— Javier Milei (@JMilei) April 21, 2025

A transgender Brazilian congresswoman says the U.S. issued her a visa that listed her gender as “male.”

Erika Hilton on Wednesday wrote on her Instagram page that she requested a visa that would have allowed her to travel to the U.S. in order to participate in the Brazil Conference at Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

The conference took place earlier this month.

“I was classified as ‘male’ by the U.S. government when I went to get my visa,” wrote Hilton, who added a visa she received from the U.S. in 2023 listed her gender as “female.”

Hilton is a Black travesti and former sex worker from São Paulo who won a seat in the Brazilian Congress in 2022. The Washington Blade spoke with Hilton shortly after her election.

“It is a big responsibility … but I feel very honored,” said Hilton. “I very much like to be able to be a representative for my people, and the more than 250,000 people who voted for me have confidence in me,” she said after she spoke at a rally in support of now Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in a São Paulo square. “This demonstrates that our work has the potential to have a gigantic reach; where we can advance efforts to end death, poverty, misery, genocide that we have.”

President Donald Trump in his inaugural speech announced the federal government’s “official policy” is “there are only two genders, male and female.” The Trump-Vance administration has also banned the State Department from issuing passports with “X” gender markers.

Germany and Denmark are among the countries that have issued travel advisories for trans and nonbinary people who plan to visit the U.S. These warnings come ahead of WorldPride, which is scheduled to take place in D.C. from May 17-June 8.

Hilton said she is “not surprised” the U.S. issued her a visa with a male gender marker.

“I’m also not surprised by the level of hatred and fixation these people have with trans people,” she said. “After all, the documents I presented are rectified, and I’m registered as a woman, even on my birth certificate.”

Hilton further accused the U.S. of “ignoring official documents from other sovereign nations, even from a diplomatic representative.”

“At the end of the day, I’m a Brazilian citizen, and my rights are guaranteed and my existence is respected by our own constitution, legislation, and jurisprudence,” she said.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Erika Hilton (@hilton_erika)

Editor’s note: Duda Salabert, another transgender Brazilian congresswoman, also said the U.S. listed her gender as “male” on her American visa.

A powerful earthquake that rocked Myanmar on March 28 unleashed devastation across the central part of the country.

The U.S. Geological Survey measured the quake at 7.7, and pinpointing its epicenter roughly 10 miles west of Mandalay, the country’s second-largest city. A 6.4-magnitude aftershock jolted the area 12 minutes later, compounding the destruction and deepening the crisis for a nation already strained by conflict.

The earthquake struck with terrifying intensity near its epicenter, wreaking havoc on Mandalay and the nearby city of Sagaing. 

Mandalay, a bustling city of approximately 1.5 million residents, bore the brunt of the destruction. Among the most striking losses was the 12-story Sky Villa Condominium, which collapsed, leaving scores trapped beneath the wreckage. Rescue workers scrambled to pull survivors from the rubble, but the rising death toll underscored the tragedy’s magnitude.

In Sagaing, which is located closer to the epicenter, more than 70 percent of buildings sustained damage. The Ava Bridge, an essential artery spanning the Irrawaddy River, collapsed, cutting off a critical connection to Mandalay. The earthquake’s shallow depth of less than seven miles amplified its power, reducing homes, temples, and schools to rubble.

The earthquake’s death toll continues to climb, with at least 3,649 confirmed dead, more than 5,000 injured, and approximately 145 people missing. Amid the widespread devastation, questions loom about the impact on vulnerable populations. The Los Angeles Blade reached out to Colors Rainbow, an organization advocating for LGBTQ+ rights in Myanmar, to understand how the crisis has affected one of the nation’s most marginalized communities.

Colors Rainbow Executive Director Hla Myat Tun spoke about how his organization is working to address the crisis faced by Myanmar’s LGBTQ+ community in the aftermath of the earthquake. 

Colors Rainbow has implemented a system of multipurpose cash transfers, directing funds to local LGBTQ+ partner organizations. These grassroots partners, in turn, provide essential support to affected individuals that includes emergency cash assistance, food, non-food items, clean water, and basic emotional support tailored to the immediate needs of their communities.

“We estimate that around 500–800 LGBTQ individuals have been impacted in the affected areas, particularly in Mandalay Region, Sagaing Region, and southern Shan state,” said Hla Myat Tun. “So far, we have been able to directly assist around 80–100 LGBTQ individuals.”

Hla Myat Tun told the Blade that Colors Rainbow is actively gathering data to assess the specific challenges that LGBTQ+ people are facing in the aftermath of the earthquake.

Preliminary observations, he noted, point to heightened vulnerability among LGBTQ+ people, driven by social exclusion and limited access to mainstream humanitarian aid. Hla Myat Tun, however, emphasized more comprehensive information is necessary to fully understand the scope of their needs and vulnerabilities in this crisis.

“We are partnering with international LGBTQ and feminist organizations that focus on displaced communities,” said Hla Myat Tun. “These partners provide emergency funds, and we coordinate with local LGBTQ groups to deliver aid directly to affected individuals on the ground.”

Addressing reports of military restrictions on humanitarian aid, Hla Myat Tun explained how Colors Rainbow is managing to reach LGBTQ+ people who are in conflict zones and areas the military junta controls. Hla Myat Tun highlighted the importance of the organization’s trusted local LGBTQ+ partners, who are embedded in these regions. Their presence and established networks, he said, are vital in navigating restricted areas and ensuring that aid reaches the LGBTQ+ people who are most in need.

Hla Myat Tun also provided insight into how Colors Rainbow is tailoring its relief efforts to meet the LGBTQ+ community’s specific needs. 

He said his organization is gathering information directly from LGBTQ+ people through close coordination with its local partners, relying on both formal and informal communication channels. Hla Myat Tun told the Blade his team conducts daily check-ins via quick telephone calls, ensuring a continuous flow of information to guide their response efforts despite limited internet access, electricity and other challenges.

“Our approach is collaborative — we set strategies and share responsibilities to respond flexibly and safely, based on the rapidly changing local context,” he said. “Personal stories are being documented, but for security reasons, we are cautious about sharing them publicly.”

When asked whether staff or volunteers had harassment, discrimination, or violence while delivering aid — a concern given the precarious legal and social climate for LGBTQ+ people in Myanmar — Hla Myat Tun said there have been no reported incidents thus far. 

“So far, we haven’t received any reports from our staff or local partners about harassment or violence while delivering aid,” he noted, emphasizing Colors Rainbow remains vigilant and has implemented robust safety protocols to protect all involved.

Colors Rainbow relies primarily on funding from international LGBTQ+-focused partners. He noted, however, humanitarian funding specifically dedicated to LGBTQ+ communities remains vastly under-resourced, relative to the pressing needs on the ground. Hla Myat Tun said this shortfall severely limits the scale and reach of Colors Rainbow’s efforts.

“While Myanmar’s legal framework remains outdated, societal attitudes — especially during the civilian government — have shown signs of progress,” said Hla Myat Tun. “We have seen positive change thanks to the work of local LGBTQ organizations.” 

“In the current crisis, many communities are working together despite legal barriers. However, in areas without LGBTQ-led organizations, inclusive humanitarian responses are still lacking,” he added. “There’s an urgent need for international humanitarian actors to understand and implement LGBTQ-inclusive practices in Myanmar.”

When asked about long-term strategies to support the recovery and resilience of LGBTQ+ communities as Myanmar rebuilds, Hla Myat Tun affirmed Colors Rainbow is deeply committed to fostering resilience. The organization’s initiatives include leadership development, community empowerment through training and workshops, sub-granting programs, and organizational development support. He also highlighted Colors Rainbow’s advocacy for LGBTQ+-inclusive policies and collaboration with ethnic groups to promote an inclusive federal democracy, and specifically thanked Outright International, a global LGBTQ+ and intersex rights group, for “amplifying our work.

“This kind of international attention shines a spotlight on the challenges LGBTQ communities in Myanmar are facing and helps open doors for more support,” Hla Myat Tun told the Blade. “It also boosts visibility and solidarity, both locally and globally, which we deeply appreciate.”

Editor’s note: Washington Blade International News Editor Michael K. Lavers will be on assignment in Argentina through April 12.

BUENOS AIRES, Argentina — A group of Argentine transgender activists with whom the Blade spoke on April 4 said President Javier Milei’s policies have made their community even more vulnerable to violence, discrimination, and poverty.

“The situation is really chaotic, desperate,” said Florencia Guimares García, a travesti activist who is president of the House of Lohana and Diana Civil Association. “There is also a lot of fear among the trans and travestí community towards the government’s policies.”

Guimares’s group is named after Diana Sacayán, a prominent trans activist who was stabbed to death inside her Buenos Aires apartment in 2015, and Lohana Berkins, the founder of the Association for the Fight for Travesti and Transsexual Identity who died in 2016.

Guimares and three other trans activists — Julia Amore, Sasha Solano, and Daniela Ruiz — spoke with the Blade after they participated in a trans and travestí rights forum that took place at an LGBTQ cultural center in downtown Buenos Aires. Alba Rueda, the country’s former special envoy for LGBTQ rights, also took part.

“We are in a bad moment for the rights and quality of life of LGBTQ+ people,” Rueda told the Blade during a February 2024 interview.

Milei took office on Dec. 10, 2023, after he defeated then-Economy Minister Sergio Massa in the second round of that year’s Argentina’s presidential election. Rueda resigned before Milei assumed the presidency.

Milei, an economist and former congressman, shortly after he took office eliminated the country’s Women, Gender and Diversity Ministry.

Milei last year closed the National Institute Against Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism, a government agency known by the acronym INADI that provided support and resources to people who suffered discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and other factors. Milei in 2024 also dismissed trans people who the government hired under the Trans Labor Quota Law, which set aside at least 1 percent of public sector jobs for trans people.

Argentina’s landmark Gender Identity Law that, among other things, allows trans and nonbinary people to legally change their gender without medical intervention, took effect in 2012 when Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was president. Milei on Feb. 5 issued a decree that restricts minors’ access to gender-affirming surgeries and hormone treatments.

Gay Congressman Esteban Paulón, a long-time LGBTQ activist, filed a criminal complaint against Milei after he linked the LGBTQ community to pedophilia and made other homophobic and transphobic comments during a Jan. 23 speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. Millions of people in Buenos Aires and across Argentina participated in marches against Milei that took place less than two weeks later.

Milei is among the heads of state who attended President Donald Trump’s inauguration. Milei also spoke at this year’s Conservative Political Action Conference in National Harbor, Md.

“Violence is more explicit, more common,” Guimares told the Blade, noting police violence has become more common against sex workers who are trans or travestí since Milei took office. Guimares added this situation is worse outside of Buenos Aires.

“The situation is different, depending on the location, and even more so in other provinces,” she said. “Even living in the province of Buenos Aires isn’t the same as living in Salta, or in Jujuy, or in Corrientes, or in provinces where the population is more conservative, where the discourse from the churches is much stronger, where all of this has a much crueler impact.”

“Milei’s discourse has legitimatized all of this,” added Guimares.

Amore said Argentina before Milei “had been a beacon” for human rights around the world.

“We’ve been building these laws with a lot of struggle, a lot of effort, with allies, and it wasn’t enough because we didn’t reach our goal,” she said. “These are very young. Our democracy is very young; we have a 40-year-old democracy and we are talking about a Gender Identity Law that is 12-years-old.

Amore added Milei is trying to erase trans and travestí people. Ruiz, an activist and actress who founded Siete Colores Diversidad, agreed.

“It is a cultural battle for us,” Ruiz told the Blade, referring for the continued struggle for trans and travestí rights in Argentina.

“It marks a cultural paradigm shift that we were carrying out day after day, making ourselves visible,” she added. “We carried it out by making ourselves politically visible, by presenting our travestí and trans Latin American visibility as a beacon to the world.”

The activists spoke with the Blade less than three months after Trump took office.

The American president, like Milei, has targeted the trans community with executive orders and policy directives. These include banning the State Department from issuing passports with “X” gender markers and prohibiting trans adults and young people from sports teams that correspond with their gender identity.

Solana, a trans woman from Peru who advocates on behalf of migrants, noted one of the first executive orders that Trump signed directed the federal government to only recognize two genders: Male and female.

“Man and woman. Period,” she said.

Guimares added Milei’s anti-LGBTQ discourse isn’t even his “original speech, but rather a line drawn from the U.S. government of Donald Trump and its agenda, which he established from the beginning and which he campaigned on as well.”

“This also follows in line with parties like Vox in Spain and other European countries, where we see how in Hungary, where an LGBTI Pride march (in Budapest) is now banned, and in other countries around the world where the population is having a really hard time,” said Guimares. “So, it’s not something original from Milei, but rather he’s taking part in those political agendas to generate strategies and alliances to be able to access economic resources.”

Amore, for her part, urged her American counterparts to continue the fight.

“Don’t let down your guard,” said Amore. “Organize. Come together. Speak out. Become visible in community. Respect the diversity of voices and put your own voices first and make yourselves more visible.”

India’s premier literary institution on March 7 announced it would allow LGBTQ+ poets to participate in its marquee Festival of Letters in New Delhi.

The Sahitya Akademi, often seen as a mirror of the government’s cultural agenda, for the first time allowed these poets into a high-profile poetry reading at the Rabindra Bhavan. They shared the stage with more than 700 writers across 50 languages.

Culture and Tourism Minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat kicked off the Festival of Letters with Mahesh Dattani, the acclaimed English-language playwright famed for his provocative works, as the main guest. Dubbed Asia’s grandest literary gathering, the Sahitya Akademi took place over six days under the “Indian Literary Traditions” theme.

The 2025 Festival of Letters showcased a sweeping range of voices — young writers, women writers, Dalit authors from marginalized castes, Northeast Indian scribes, tribal poets, and LGBTQ+ poets — cementing its reputation as a literary kaleidoscope. 

Kalki Subramaniam, a leading transgender rights activist and author, on March 9 chaired a literary session titled “Discussion on Literary Works of LGBTQ Writers in the 21st Century,” which spotlighted contemporary queer voices.

“It was enriching to listen to the profound thoughts of LGBT writers from various parts of the country in their speeches,” said Subramaniam. “The session was particularly memorable with the participation of A. Revathi Amma from Tamil Nadu, Reshma Prasad from Bihar, Sanjana Simon from New Delhi, and Devika Devendra Manglamukhi and Shivin from Uttar Pradesh and Aksaya K Rath from Orissa.”

Subramaniam discussed how global politics shape gender rights and the persistent erasure of trans identity, urging a unified push for solidarity within the LGBTQ+ community. She stressed the vital need to elevate queer works and writers, casting their voices as essential to the literary vanguard.

“It was a pleasure to meet great writers from around the country in the festival as well as meet my writer activist friends Sajana Simon and Revathi Amma after a long time,” said Subramaniam. 

The government on March 12, 1954, formally established the Sahitya Akademi. A government resolution outlined its mission as a national entity tasked with advancing Indian literature and upholding rigorous literary standards; a mandate it has pursued for seven decades.

The Sahitya Akademi in 2018 broke ground in Kolkata, hosting the country’s first exclusive gathering of trans writers, a landmark nod to queer voices in Indian literature. 

Hoshang Dinshaw Merchant, India’s pioneering openly gay poet and a leading voice in the nation’s gay liberation movement, on March 9 recited a poem at the Festival of Letters, his verses carrying the weight of his decades-long quest for queer recognition. He later thanked the session’s chair for welcoming the community, a gesture that underscored the event’s third day embrace of diverse voices.

The Sahitya Akademi in 2024 honored K. Vaishali with the Yuva Puraskar for her memoir “Homeless: Growing Up Lesbian and Dyslexic in India,” a raw account of navigating queerness and neurodivergence. Vaishali in a post-win interview reflected on India’s deep-seated conservatism around sexuality, noting she wrote from a place of relative safety — an upper-caste privilege that shielded her as she bared her truth. The award, she said, was the Akademi’s indelible seal on her lived experience, a validation no one could challenge.

The Sahitya Akademi’s inclusion of LGBTQ+ writers in its main program this year jars with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government’s conservative stance, which, in 2023, opposed same-sex marriage in the Supreme Court, arguing it erodes Indian family values. Yet, under Shekhawat, the Sahitya Akademi’s spotlight on queer voices at the Rabindra Bhavan suggests it could be a tentative crack in a regime typically rooted in tradition.

The Festival of Letters hosted a translators’ meeting on March 10, spotlighting P. Vimala’s 2024 award-winning Tamil translation of Nalini Jameela’s “Autobiography of a Sex Worker,” a work steeped in marginalized voices that include queer perspectives.

This platform gained significant support from the BJP-led government, with Shekhawat securing a 15 percent budget increase to ₹47 crore ($5.63 million) in 2024. In Tamil Nadu state, however, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam’s Chief Minister Muthuvel Karunanidhi Stalin, has long opposed such cross-linguistic efforts, fearing dilution of Tamil identity amid decades of anti-Hindi sentiment — a tension the Sahitya Akademi’s inclusive showcase sought to bypass.

‘The Akademi is very inclusive and has a friendly festival ambience,” Subramaniam told the Los Angeles Blade.

Japan’s Nagoya High Court on March 7 ruled the lack of legal recognition of same-sex marriages violates the country’s constitution. 

The plaintiffs argued Japan’s Civil Code and Family Registration Act, which does not recognize same-sex marriages, violates the country’s constitution. They cited Article 14, Paragraph 1, which guarantees equality under the law and prohibits discrimination based on factors that include race, creed, sex, or social status. The plaintiff also invoked Article 24, Paragraph 2, which emphasizes that laws governing marriage and family matters must uphold individual dignity and the fundamental equality of the sexes.

The plaintiffs sought damages of 1 million yen ($6,721.80) under Article 1, Paragraph 1, of the State Redress Act, which provides for compensation when a public official, through intentional or negligent acts in the course of their duties, causes harm to another individual. The claim centered on the government’s failure to enact necessary legislation, which prevented the plaintiff from marrying.

The court noted same-sex relationships have existed naturally long before the establishment of legal marriage. It emphasized that recognizing such relationships as legitimate is a fundamental legal interest connected to personal dignity, transcending the confines of traditional legal frameworks governing marriage and family.

The court further observed same-sex couples encounter significant disadvantages in various aspects of social life that cannot be addressed through civil partnership systems. These include housing challenges, such as restrictions on renting properties, and financial institutions refusing to recognize same-sex couples as family members for mortgages. Same-sex couples also face hurdles in accessing products and services tailored to family relationships. While the court deemed the relevant provisions unconstitutional, it clarified that the government’s failure to enact legislative changes does not constitute a violation under the State Redress Act.

The lawsuit, titled “Freedom of Marriage for All,” brought together a large coalition of professionals, including more than 30 plaintiffs and 80 lawyers. They filed six lawsuits in five courts throughout Japan.

“We filed these lawsuits on Valentine’s Day, Feb. 14, 2019, in Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, and Sapporo, and in September of that year in Fukuoka,” noted Takeharu Kato, director of Marriage for All Japan. “Then, in March 2021, the Sapporo District Court handed down the first ruling declaring the current laws unconstitutional, which received extensive worldwide media coverage. Subsequently, the Osaka District Court unfortunately ruled that the current law is constitutional, but among the 10 rulings handed down so far, nine have ruled that not recognizing marriage equality is unconstitutional.”

Kato is a lawyer who is part of the legal team in the Sapporo case. He is also a board member of Marriage for All Japan, a marriage equality campaign.

“The MFAJ (Marriage for All Japan) is fully supporting the lawsuits by publicizing the current status of the trials and the rulings in our websites and social networks, setting up press conferences at the time of the rulings,” Kato told the Los Angeles Blade. “We also make the best of the impact of the lawsuits in our campaign by holding events with the plaintiffs of the lawsuits and inviting them to the rally at Diet (the Japanese parliament) members’ building.”

Kato said the campaign has significantly shifted public opinion, with recent polls indicating more than 70 percent of Japanese people now support marriage equality — up from approximately 40 percent before Marriage for All Japan launched. He also noted 49 percent of Diet members now back marriage equality.

Japan is the only G7 country that does not legally recognize same-sex couples. Taiwan, Nepal, and Thailand have extended full marriage rights to gays and lesbians.

Expressing disappointment, Kato said many Japanese politicians continue to resist marriage equality, despite overwhelming public support. Kato added Marriage for All Japan expects the Supreme Court to rule on their lawsuits in 2016.

“We believe that the Supreme Court will also rule that the current laws are unconstitutional,” he said. “However, the Supreme Court’s ruling alone is not enough to achieve marriage equality under the Japanese legal system. We should put more and more strong pressure on the Diet to legalize marriage equality in Japan as soon as possible.”

Several municipalities and prefectures issue certificates that provide limited benefits to same-sex couples, but they fall short of equal legal recognition.

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida’s government has faced mounting pressure on the issue as public support for marriage equality has surged in recent years. Kishida has yet to push reforms within his own party; encountering fierce opposition from its traditional leadership.

His government in June 2023 passed Japan’s first law addressing sexual orientation and gender identity, aiming to “promote understanding” and prevent “unfair discrimination.” Activists, however, widely criticized the legislation on grounds it fails to provide comprehensive protections or extend marriage rights to same-sex couples.