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Gay Republicans fought for acceptance in Texas GOP, see little progress

Gay Republicans who fought for acceptance within Texas GOP the past 3 decades told The Texas Tribune progress has been excruciatingly slow

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Dale Carpenter, outside his home in Dallas on July 8, was the state president of the Log Cabin Republicans in the 1990s but has since distanced himself from party politics. The group is the largest organization representing gay conservatives and advocating for inclusivity in the GOP. Photo Credit: Shelby Tauber for The Texas Tribune

By Eric Neugeboren | (The Texas Tribune) AUSTIN – In June 1998, a group of gay and lesbian conservatives, pushing for greater representation at the Texas Republican Party convention in Fort Worth, found themselves in a frightening clash with members of their own party.

Members of the Log Cabin Republicans were protesting at the gathering of party faithful after a state GOP official made offensive comments comparing the group to the Ku Klux Klan and pedophiles. The group was also protesting the rejection of their request to host a booth at the convention — the second time in a row they’d been denied — where they hoped to share information about their organization.

Counterprotesters surrounded the Log Cabin members, wielding signs with homophobic slurs and phrases like “The Gay Life = AIDS Then Hell.” They pushed and spat and shoved their fingers in the faces of the gay Republicans.

Richard Tafel, the former executive director of the national Log Cabin Republicans which bills itself as the “nation’s largest Republican organization dedicated to representing LGBT conservatives and allies,” attended the Texas convention that year and recalls thinking he was in serious danger as they advocated for respect from members of their own party.

“We’re here to draw the line,” Tafel declared at the protest. “No more hatred, no more hatred in the name of God. And we won’t be silenced.”

Richard Tafel speaks at the Rally for Liberty in June 1998.
Richard Tafel speaks at the Rally for Liberty in June 1998. Credit: Photo courtesy of Dale Carpenter

A counterprotester threw a sign at his face.

“It was a tornado of emotion, volatile and dangerous, ready to touch down and sweep us all away at any moment. I was afraid for my own safety and that of others,” wrote Dale Carpenter, a former president of Log Cabin Republicans of Texas, in a newsletter later that year.

Ultimately, no one was injured that day. But it was a vivid display of homophobia within the party.

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Gay Republicans who have fought for acceptance within the Texas GOP over the past three decades told The Texas Tribune progress has been excruciatingly slow. Many of them have left the party, even as the number of Log Cabin Republicans in Texas continues to grow.

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More than two decades later, this year’s Texas Republican convention made headlines again for its attitudes toward LGBTQ people. The party adopted a platform in June at its convention in Houston declaring that “homosexuality is an abnormal lifestyle choice.” That party position comes after similar language had been stripped from the platform just four years earlier, representing a backward step for Log Cabin members who have for years been fighting for acceptance within their ranks.

Gay Republicans who have fought for acceptance within the Texas GOP over the past three decades told The Texas Tribune progress has been excruciatingly slow. Many of them have left the party, even as the number of Log Cabin Republicans in Texas continues to grow.

“I do not believe that we made any progress. In fact, I think the party got worse,” Carpenter, who is no longer involved in party politics, said of his time as the state’s Log Cabin president.

Since the group’s inception in 1989, the Log Cabin Republicans of Texas have been denied a booth at the state convention. And this year’s convention was no different. Booths are granted to all sorts of conservative interest groups, advocating for issues related to gun rights, anti-abortion issues and freedom from vaccines. A booth, in many ways, is symbolic of a seat at the table.

“Getting a booth also became a signal of party approval,” Carpenter said. “You have ‘arrived’ and are accepted in the GOP.”

Members of the state Log Cabin Kelton Dillard, Dale Carpenter and Steve Labinski, left to right, outside the Texas Capitol i…
From left: Kelton Dillard, Dale Carpenter and Steve Labinski, members of the state Log Cabin Republicans, outside the Texas Capitol in 1997. Credit: Photo courtesy of Dale Carpenter

Beyond the official state party, which often represents the most hardline members and belief systems, mainstream conservatives in Texas have turned their attention in recent months toward anti-LGBTQ initiatives, oftentimes in the form of legislation related to school sports, curriculum and library books that address sexuality and gender identity.

Gov. Greg Abbott issued an order this year equating allowing minors to receive transgender care with child abuse. The Legislature also passed a bill last year banning transgender children from playing on public school sports teams that align with their gender identity.

And conservatives nationwide are taking aim at same-sex marriage. U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz said on his podcast last week that he believes the U.S. Supreme Court was “clearly wrong” when it legalized same-sex marriage in 2015. A majority of U.S. House Republicans last week voted against protecting the right to same-sex marriage. Only one Texas Republican voted for the measure.

State legislatures across the country have proposed more than 300 anti-LGBTQ bills this year, many of which target transgender youth.

“​​It saddens me that in a state where our biggest issues are infrastructure, development and education, we have child poverty everywhere, school shootings that are happening, that we’re so focused on issues trying to limit the access to opportunities for trans youth,” said Christopher Busby, a former Log Cabin member who left the party in 2016.

The Texas GOP declined to comment for this story and referred all questions to the party platform. The Tribune reached out to prominent Texas Republican leaders for comment on the state party’s latest anti-LGBTQ platform plank. Texas House Speaker Dade Phelan declined to comment. Abbott and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

U.S. Sen. John Cornyn did not answer when asked about the party platform, instead deflecting to discuss the congressional action this week on marriage equality. Cruz said the party platform “is not rhetoric or language that I use” and that “the decisions of consenting adults concerning matters of sexuality are choices for individuals to make.”

All of them attended the convention with the exception of Abbott, who held a reception associated with the event.

Current Log Cabin members in Texas have admonished the party for the language in its platform. But they emphasize the party apparatus is not representative of all or even most Republicans, while pointing to incremental gains they’ve made within the state party.

“There are over 270 planks in the GOP platform,” said Michael Cargill, the president of the Austin Log Cabin chapter who recently resigned as acting chair of the state organization for reasons he said are unrelated to the recent platform. “There are only four planks that we disagree on.”

Notably, the Log Cabin Republicans of Texas, which included about 350 dues-paying members in 2021, endorsed the Legislature’s bill targeting trans youth playing school sports. That position represents what earlier members describe as a shift within the group and a schism between current and former Log Cabin members.

Carpenter recalled that in the ’90s, the primary mission was to achieve acceptance of gay members within the state party. But after decades of nearly stagnant progress on that front, he thinks the group has shifted toward prioritizing common ground.

“We asked ourselves from time to time, are you gay first and Republican second, or are you Republican first and gay second?” he said. “I think in recent years, the mission may have shifted to primarily promoting the Republican party among LGBT people to help win elections. Current leadership seems [to be] ‘Republican first.’”

Dale Carpenter looks through photos from the 1998 Hate Crimes March in Austin in his home in Dallas, TX on July 8, 2022.
Dale Carpenter looks through photos from the 1998 Hate Crimes March in Austin. Credit: Shelby Tauber for The Texas Tribune

“I sort of lost hope” 

In 1990, the GOP party platform called homosexuality “biologically and morally unsound” and compared same-sex relationships to “necrophilia, pedophilia, bestiality, or incest.”

Paul von Wupperfeld, a gay man who lived in Austin at the time, considered himself politically right of center and in favor of limited government. Gay Republicans were hard to come by back then — many had become disillusioned with the Republican Party due in part to President Ronald Reagan’s handling of the HIV/AIDS pandemic in the 1980s.

Inspired by other Log Cabin chapters that had formed more than a decade earlier, von Wupperfeld and others thought they could change the Texas GOP. He would serve as the first president of the Log Cabin Republicans of Texas. Today, he considers the effort an utter failure.

“We failed to moderate the Republican party,” said von Wupperfeld, now a 56-year-old Democrat who has not voted Republican since 2000. “I’m glad we tried, and I think we did the right thing by trying. We’re actually going the other way, faster and faster.”

Early on, the group had glimmers of optimism. In 1990, the Travis County GOP Convention was opened by a gay men’s chorus. Some of the GOP groups in major cities showed support for the Log Cabin Republicans.

But for every step forward, there was another fall backward.

Republicans started emphasizing social issues as religious conservatives took over the party. The Travis County GOP added language in its 1994 platform opposing “homosexual education” in public schools, according to a news article published after the change. The Galveston County GOP called for all HIV patients to be quarantined, a decision Log Cabin members said was intended to target gay people, who were disproportionately affected by the virus. The Houston Post wrote in a 1994 article that “The GOP — particularly in Texas — has become increasingly socially conservative, with the Christian right in firm control of the party apparatus.”

Inline article image
Dale Carpenter at the San Antonio GOP Convention in 1996. Credit: Photo courtesy of Dale Carpenter

The religious right movement was emboldened two years earlier in Houston. Conservative commentator Pat Buchanan gave a speech at the 1992 Republican National Convention that would become known as “The Culture War Speech,” in which he warned that the nation was embroiled in a war “for the soul of America.”

“We stand with [President George H.W. Bush] against the amoral idea that gay and lesbian couples should have the same standing in law as married men and women,” Buchanan said.

In 1995, von Wupperfeld had enough. He resigned as president of the statewide group.

“I didn’t believe it could succeed anymore,” von Wupperfeld said. “I sort of lost hope and got tired of the drama and the fighting internally and the fighting within the party.”

After von Wupperfeld left, Carpenter would take over the leadership role. He held the position for two years until 1997, until he too lost hope as his party was swallowed by social conservatives.

“We were just a few people in a few cities,” Carpenter said. “And we were up against thousands and thousands of very organized activists who really only cared about two things: abortion and homosexuality.”

The battle for a booth

The battle for a booth at the Texas Republican Party convention every two years has turned into a proxy war for acceptance within the state party.

To get a booth, a group submits an application to the party and then a committee of party officials votes on whether to approve the request. This year, Log Cabin came up short by one vote. Party chair Matt Rinaldi voted “present,” which meant he did not vote in favor or against, said Marco Roberts, the former state chair for Log Cabin who resigned in May.

Booths in the convention’s exhibit hall give interest groups and some elected officials a chance to meet with other politicians, delegates and members to advocate on issues. At this year’s convention, there were more than 75 booths at the exhibit hall, including ones for Texans for Vaccine Freedom and the anti-abortion group Texas Right to Life.

Dale Carpenter faces the media at the Texas Supreme Court in June 1996.
Dale Carpenter faces the media at the Texas Supreme Court in June 1996. Credit: Photo courtesy of Dale Carpenter

“Log Cabin were primarily interested in getting their message out to convention delegates in the hopes of having influence on the party itself,” Carpenter said.

Efforts to get a booth began in the 1990s, and the group came especially close in 1996. Kelton Dillard, a longtime treasurer for the state organization, had submitted a check to the state party to register for a booth. It cleared. But the party chair revoked the approval because they said the group was advocating for the practice of sodomy, which was illegal at the time.

The group sued the party. Days before the convention, a district judge ruled in favor of Log Cabin, ordering the state party to give the group a booth and print its advertisement in the convention handbook.

But the Texas GOP appealed to the state Supreme Court. In a ruling the day before the convention was set to begin, the court ruled the group could not have a booth at the convention.

The associate justice of the state Supreme Court who delivered the opinion was Greg Abbott.

He wrote that the decision to deny the group a booth was “an internal party affair rather than an integral part of the election process” and the Log Cabin group could not “maintain its state constitutional claims against the Party.”

Busby, the former Log Cabin member who left in 2016, said the party’s repeated refusal to grant a booth is “disheartening.”

Busby became involved in GOP politics in Texas in the 2000s. He helped reestablish the Log Cabin Republicans of Houston — after it previously had gone defunct — then became a precinct chair in Harris County and was the president of Houston Young Republicans.

Christopher Busby at City Hall in downtown Houston on Monday, July 11, 2022. Busby left an active role supporting the Republ…
Christopher Busby, at City Hall in downtown Houston on July 11, left an active role supporting the Republican Party and now considers himself more moderate. Credit: Annie Mulligan for The Texas Tribune

Busby left the Republican party largely because of former President Donald Trump, he said, but the state party’s stance on LGBTQ issues “didn’t help.”

“We are human, and humans have a need to feel welcomed into the social groups with which we identify,” said Busby, 33. “And for a long enough time you’re told you are not welcome, most people will hear those words and leave no matter how strongly they might want to identify with a group, no matter how strongly their values align. When you’re told you’re not part of the group, over and over again, eventually you reassign your identity values.”

Victories and losses

In more recent years, the Texas GOP has softened some of its homophobic language.

By 2012, the Texas GOP had abandoned a platform condemning sodomy. The Supreme Court had legalized sodomy nine years earlier, superceding Texas’ law banning it, which has still not been repealed.

In 2016, it removed its explicit endorsement of “reparative therapy,” a debunked and harmful treatment that claims to turn gay people straight, but still made a point of citing its availability “for self-motivated youth and adults.” The state party also retained the official position that said “homosexuality is a chosen behavior that is contrary to the fundamental unchanging truths that has been ordained by God in the Bible.”

Roberts, the first openly gay person on the Texas GOP platform committee, led the charge to remove the language in 2018. Texas Values, a conservative Christian organization, initially worked against him to preserve the plank.

Ultimately, the party delegates voted to soften the language while retaining the opposition to same-sex marriage — even as the U.S. Supreme Court had legalized gay marriage three years earlier.

It was seen as a win — a sign that the party was slowly but surely moving forward on the issue. That optimism evaporated this year.

Log Cabin members at Austin's Hate Crimes March in April 1998
Log Cabin members at Austin’s Hate Crimes March in April 1998. Credit: Photo courtesy of Dale Carpenter

The addition of the anti-LGBTQ language in this year’s platform caught many people off guard.

As the platform committee was wrapping up its work, Matt Patrick, the committee’s chairman, proposed an amendment to add the language that “homosexuality is an abnormal lifestyle choice.” Patrick did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Houston resident Jason Vaughn, a member of the platform committee who is gay, immediately objected to the change.

“This is meant to be insulting language, it does nothing for policy,” Vaughn, 38, said to the committee.

Vaughn’s objections were unsuccessful. The committee approved the change 17-14.

Two days later, the entire floor of delegates voted on the platform. One member of the platform committee, David Gebhart, called to remove the language, saying the Texas GOP “is not the Westboro Baptist Church.” He was booed. The platform plank passed overwhelmingly.

Roberts, who is now the interim chair of the Texas Conservative Liberty Forum, said he thinks this year’s change happened because Log Cabin wasn’t as involved in the platform process.

But he also sees some Republicans hardening their anti-LGBTQ stances, as anti-trans rhetoric becomes mainstreamed in the Texas GOP.

Dale Carpenter poses for a portrait outside of his home in Dallas, TX on July 8, 2022. In the 1990s Carpenter was the state …
“I do not believe that we made any progress. In fact, I think the party got worse,” Dale Carpenter, who is no longer involved in party politics, said of his time as the state’s Log Cabin president. Credit: Shelby Tauber for The Texas Tribune

“Some of the events that were very prominently featured in the news upset people, and gay people are associated with that, unfortunately, which is unfair, but it just is the case,” Roberts said.

Roberts is hopeful the party will remove the language at its next convention. Vaughn is less optimistic.

“There’s been a lot of progress if you get down with people actually having conversations,” Vaughn said. “If you want to talk about basic rhetoric, no, there’s not been a lot of progress.”

Dillard, the longtime treasurer of the state Log Cabin group, said there was some progress in his time with the group. He helped run the group’s political action committee and said that funding helped stop anti-gay legislation. He’s still a Republican but doesn’t support Trump.

He’s not too worried about the state of gay rights in the country. But he acknowledged the state party’s executive committee “has kind of gone back to being almost as nutty as they’ve ever been.”

Carpenter agreed that the Texas GOP’s views on LGBTQ issues are wildly out of touch.

“[The party’s] views have not changed, but the wider cultures have. That’s a very striking thing to me,” Carpenter said. “They are like a fossil from another age. And it’s on everything. I don’t believe they support a single thing that’s happened over the last 25 years.”

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The preceding article was previously published by The Texas Tribune and is republished by permission.

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The Texas Tribune is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media organization that informs Texans — and engages with them — about public policy, politics, government and statewide issues. 

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Byers, Krieger win seats on WeHo City Council; race for third too close to call

John Duran, Kyle Brazeal, and Stephen Post battle for final seat

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Chelsea Byers and Helen Krieger have secured the first and second spots in the race for West Hollywood City Council. After an eventful campaign season, with 13 candidates running to fill the three seats up for grabs, Byers and Krieger have come out on top. Each holding a wide lead ahead of their challengers, they are all but guaranteed to each win a seat.

However, the race for third has shaped up to be an incredibly close contest among John Duran, Kyle Brazeal, and Stephen Post. Duran currently holds third, Brazeal fourth, and Post fifth, but they are all within 100 votes of each other, meaning their positions could easily swap as more ballots are counted. 

The Winners

Byers and Krieger both ran on progressive platforms, with focuses on building more housing, creating biking and transit infrastructure, and opposition to Flock cameras in the city. The two are also both housing advocates. Byers works at the non-profit Welcoming Neighbors Network which aims to end the U.S. housing shortage and Krieger helped build affordable housing in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. 

They were both backed by the progressive Unite Here! Local 11 union, which represents service worker employees around L.A. The union has become a major influence in West Hollywood elections in recent years, providing resources and support to many progressive candidates. 

Byers and Krieger have been friendly with each other on the campaign trail, and with other countywide progressives. Byers even earned a shoutout in L.A. Mayor-elect Nithya Raman’s election night speech. Their campaigns were also supported by former WeHo Mayor and current L.A. County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath. 

Byers was the only incumbent running for re-election, with Mayor John Heilman and Council member Lauren Meister term limited. Heilman and Meister supported the campaigns of Duran and Brazeal for Council, who are now battling each other and Post for the third and final seat. 

The Race for Third

California counts ballots slowly compared to other states and with the margins between third, fourth, and fifth so narrow, it may be a while before the race can be called conclusively. 

Duran and Brazeal’s campaigns focused on public safety, opposition to adding bike lanes on Fountain Avenue, and creating a Transit Oriented Development Alternative Plan in West Hollywood. Both argued that the city’s politics had become too ideological and called for a return to common sense decision making that they claimed was absent in new city leadership. 

Duran is a longtime civil rights attorney and West Hollywood politician, serving on the City Council between 2001 and 2020. Duran’s time in elected office ended in scandal as he was accused of multiple accounts of sexual harassment, first in 2016 and then again in 2019. He lost his re-election bid in 2020. 

Brazeal is a political newcomer, working in a career in finance before joining the Council race this year. His campaign was rattled by allegations of transphobia in a story reported by the Los Angeles Blade, with a transgender woman accusing him of calling her a slur in 2024. 

Post, currently in fifth, is a progressive backed by many of the same organizations as Byers and Krieger, and was the only candidate backed by the L.A. chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America. He made anti-flock policy a cornerstone of his campaign and argued that it compromised WeHo residents’ privacy and the city’s values. 

A Majority Voting Bloc

With the incoming Council members, and Erickson’s unsuccessful run for state Senate keeping him in his position, the Council is guaranteed to have at least a three-vote majority to pass progressive policies in line with Krieger and Byer’s campaign promises. This means Flock cameras are most likely coming down and the plan for bike lanes on Fountain Avenue will likely proceed unchanged, regardless of who wins the final seat.

Caleb Kaufman is a California Local News Fellow placed with the Los Angeles Blade. The California Local News Fellowship is a state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting. Learn more about it at fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows.

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Nithya Raman wins Los Angeles mayoral election, ousting Karen Bass

Mayor-elect commits to protecting queer Angelenos from Trump attacks

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Nithya Raman addresses supporters on election night at the Greek Theater in Los Angeles, CA, on Nov. 3, 2026.

Nithya Raman is the projected winner of the Los Angeles mayor’s race, beating out incumbent Karen Bass in a contentious campaign to lead the second largest city in the nation. Raman has won 52% of the vote with 75% of precincts reporting. 

Earlier in the year, City Council member Raman’s chances of pulling off a victory seemed slim. Mayor Bass won handily in the June mayoral primary, and Raman came in a distant second, inching out the bombastic former reality TV star Spencer Pratt to secure a spot in the runoff. 

Raman ran on a progressive platform that promised to address chronic issues in Los Angeles, like homelessness, affordability, and lack of housing supply. Raman made the case that the Bass administration had not confronted these challenges effectively and that Los Angeles needed new leadership that could. 

Raman supporters cheer at her election night watch party at the Greek Theater in Los Angeles, CA, on Nov. 3, 2026. (Photo by Caleb Kaufman/Los Angeles Blade).

A newcomer to politics, Raman first ran for office in 2020 when she won a seat on the Los Angeles City Council, the first time a challenger had defeated an incumbent for a city council seat in nearly two decades. Her election was a shock to the L.A. political establishment and taught Raman how to effectively organize a grassroots campaign, a skill that would be invaluable to her 2026 mayoral victory. 

Despite lacking establishment backing, earning no endorsements from her fellow council members, Raman was supported by many progressive organizations and unions, including the L.A. chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, Unite Here! Local 11, and the Western States Carpenters union. They provided her with thousands of eager canvassing volunteers and organizers. These canvassing efforts helped sway public opinion and introduce Raman to voters who had likely never heard of her. 

Homelessness was a particular flashpoint in the election. In April, reporting by the L.A. Times showed 40% of the people who participated in Mayor Bass’s signature anti-homelessness program ended up back on the streets within a year, and overall homelessness levels increased across the city in the last year. Raman pointed to her district’s near 50% decline in unsheltered homelessness between 2025 and 2026 as proof she could confront the issue more effectively. But time will tell if she can translate this success city-wide. 

Mayor Bass served a hectic and tumultuous term as the first woman mayor of Los Angeles. In early 2025, she had to deal with the fallout of the Palisades fires, one of the most destructive wildfires the city has ever seen. Only a few months later, Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids shocked immigrant communities around L.A. and subsequent protests shut down the city. In response, President Trump deployed the National Guard to the streets in a move many saw as federal overreach, further inflaming tensions. 

These remarkable challenges ingrained anti-incumbent sentiment among some voters who believed Mayor Bass could have done more to help Angelenos in both instances. 

Raman supporters listen to the candidate speak at her election night watch party at the Greek Theater in Los Angeles, CA, on Nov. 3, 2026. (Photo by Caleb Kaufman/Los Angeles Blade).

Raman spent her campaign painting the mayor as insufficiently proactive in countering the policies of the Trump-Vance administration. Raman has promised to protect L.A.’s queer community from federal actions that could harm them, especially emphasizing her support for the transgender community, which has been the target of numerous attacks from President Trump. 

The Mayor-elect said she would pressure Children’s Hospital Los Angeles to reevaluate its ending of gender-affirming care services. The hospital’s center for Transyouth Health closed in 2025 following federal pressure to end trans healthcare for minors, impacting more than 2,000 patients who were receiving care when the closure occurred. Despite federal threats, gender-affirming care remains legal in California. 

Speaking with the Blade last month, Raman said she would “reach out to [CHLA’s] board and speak to them about that decision and see how we can push them to do better [for] trans patients,” outreach she said had not happened under the Bass administration. 

In her election night speech to an energized crowd at the Greek Theater, Raman reiterated her support for the queer community, committing to “show up for our gay and trans siblings,” across Los Angeles. 

Nithya Raman takes a selfie with a supporter of hers at the campaign’s election night watch party at the Greek Theater in Los Angeles, CA, on Nov. 3, 2026. (Photo by Caleb Kaufman/Los Angeles Blade).

Caleb Kaufman is a California Local News Fellow placed with the Los Angeles Blade. The California Local News Fellowship is a state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting. Learn more about it at fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows.

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Democrats projected to win Senate majority, opening door to LGBTQ+ legislation

U.S. Sen-elect Chris Pappas (D-N.H.) is gay

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(Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. Senate has flipped to Democratic control.

Democrats will control of the Senate after flipping the minimum four Republican-held seats, giving the party control of both chambers of Congress and a majority in the legislative branch, according to NBC.

The Senate, the upper legislative body, holds 100 seats, two for every state, and oversees several important functions of the federal government, including confirming judicial and Cabinet appointments.

There will now be two openly LGBTQ+ members of the Senate: freshly elected Chris Pappas of New Hampshire, who is gay, and Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin, who is a lesbian.

With greater control over federal legislation, Democrats could have an opportunity to advance measures such as the Equality Act, which would expand federal protections against discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

During the campaign, President Donald Trump repeatedly referred to South Carolina Democratic Senator-elect Annie Andrews using the anti-transgender slur “Tranny Annie,” while emphasizing culture war issues, including trans participation in sports and gender-affirming care.

Democrats, meanwhile, have centered their campaigns on the growing affordability crisis as somatic issues, including the Ukrainian-Russian war, Palestinian-Israeli war, and the war in Iran. 

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California

Xavier Becerra wins California governor’s race

Governor-elect has long track record of LGBTQ support

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Xavier Becerra in speaks at an HHS conference in 2023

Just minutes after polls closing, Democratic candidate Xavier Becerra was named the projected winner of California’s governor’s race by the Associated Press, beating out the Republican Steve Hilton. Becerra has a long history in elected office, serving as a congressman representing parts of Los Angeles and East LA, then as California Attorney General, and most recently as the Secretary of Health and Human Services under President Joe Biden. He also has a long history of supporting pro-LGBTQ policies. 

As a congressman, he voted against the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, which banned same-sex marriage on the federal level. As California attorney general, he sued the Trump-Pence administration in 2017 over a policy that aimed to ban transgender people from serving in the military. As HHS Secretary, he publicly defended access to gender-affirming care for transgender patients, including for minors, noting that it has been shown to reduce suicidality among transgender youth. This is a major contrast to the current HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has since made the agency’s official policy that it “rejects gender ideology and condemns the harms it causes to children.”

In his campaign for governor, Becerra has continued to support gender-affirming care, saying in a statement on X that “as Governor, I will stand firm to secure California’s status as a sanctuary state for trans youth and their families,” and posting an image with the phrase “protect trans youth.” 

Becerra’s opponent Steve Hilton made LGBTQ issues a small but loud part of his campaign.

He opposed transgender participation in women’s sports, attending and speaking at a “Save Girl’s Sports” rally that called for a ban on transgender people playing in women’s sports in California. In an interview with the San Francisco Standard, Hilton was asked about his favorite girl’s sport, responding “I don’t follow girl’s sports,” and declined to make any commitments to further women’s competition in sports beyond calling for an end to transgender participation. 

Hilton came under further criticism from the LGBTQ community for releasing an innuendo-laced  campaign advertisement in October that appeared to show two women in an intimate setting before revealing that one is trying to convince the other to vote for Hilton. Jorge Reyes Salinas, communications director at Equality California, called the ad “a disgusting attempt to exploit lesbian intimacy for political attention” in an interview with the Blade. It was also unpopular among conservatives, with Evangelical Pastor Jack Hibbs stating that the ad was distasteful and that “lesbianism among college girls and some high school girls right now is an actual pandemic of social ill.”

Becerra’s victory in the governor’s race is no surprise in California where registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans nearly 2:1. The real challenge was making it past the primary election. After former Congressman Eric Swalwell dropped out of the Democratic primary amid allegations of sexual misconduct, Becerra seized on the opportunity and became the frontrunner. He later beat out billionaire Tom Steyer in the June primary to become the Democratic nominee. 

In the general election, Becerra ran a quiet campaign for governor, counting on support from the overwhelmingly Democratic California electorate. As a result, Becerra has been sparse on many specific policy commitments on the campaign trail. However, his track record indicates that California’s next governor will likely support pro-LGBTQ policies.

Caleb Kaufman is a California Local News Fellow placed with the Los Angeles Blade. The California Local News Fellowship is a state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting. Learn more about it at fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows.

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Democrats poised to flip House, opening door for expanded LGBTQ+ leadership

Robert Garcia among potential committee chairs in new Congress

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U.S. Capitol (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. House of Representatives is projected to flip to Democratic control.

According to the Associated Press, Democrats are moving toward control of the House after defeating six Republicans in key battleground races.

While several major questions remain about how Democrats will lead beginning in 2027, their control of the chamber will expand their oversight powers, allowing them to pursue efforts to check an executive branch that has operated with little congressional oversight over the past two years.

With control of the House and expanded oversight powers, more LGBTQ Democrats could be positioned to take on leadership roles in the new Congress.

Incumbent Congressman Robert Garcia (D-Calif.) is poised to become chair of the House Oversight Committee, where he would have greater authority to investigate the Trump-Vance administration, subpoena officials and oversee federal agencies.

Garcia sent out a two word statement following the confirmation of the Democratic Party’s control: “Lawyer up.”

U.S. Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) could gain a leadership position on the House Appropriations Committee, which has authority over government funding. Such a position could allow him to put roadblocks in the way of much of the Republican agenda, including many projects Trump has personally spearheaded while in the Oval Office.

Some political strategists, like those at Newsweek, have said a third Trump impeachment could be on the table. However, convicting President Donald Trump in a Senate trial would require a two-thirds majority, an outcome that remains uncertain.

These midterm elections have been rife with personal attacks, gerrymandering at the behest of Trump, and heightened political tensions across the country. Republicans have campaigned on the idea that voters are effectively voting for Trump, while also focusing heavily on transgender issues. Meanwhile, many Democrats have pushed back by centering their campaigns on the growing affordability crisis as the war with Iran continues.

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California

L.A. LGBT Center used canvassing effort to reframe conversation around trans healthcare

‘Gender affirming care access as part of health care access for all’

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Maria Do knocks on a door while canvassing for the Los Angeles LGBT Center in Monterey Park, Calif., on Nov 1, 2026.

The Los Angeles LGBT Center has seen the impact of fearmongering rhetoric about transgender people firsthand so it set out to change the narrative. 

The L.A. LGBT Center this year began a new deep canvassing initiative to combat misconceptions about transgender healthcare. The volunteer canvassers are encouraged not only to share facts and voting information, but also to connect with voters by using personal experiences to frame their political engagement. “The key components of deep canvassing involve getting vulnerable and curious with the voter and exchanging stories to show how political issues are tied to personal real lived experience,” said Maria Do, the community mobilization manager at the L.A. LGBT Center. 

The campaign focused on speaking to voters in the San Gabriel Valley, a working class and ethnically diverse area on the far east side of Los Angeles County. The deep canvassing campaign targeted the city of Monterey Park in particular, a neighborhood home to large Chinese, Vietnamese, and Cambodian immigrant populations. The goal was to connect with infrequent voters who may be uninformed or misinformed about LGBTQ issues. They focused mainly on informing voters about gender affirming care and then encouraging them to vote in the upcoming midterm elections. 

“There have been a lot of attacks and just a lot of misinformation around gender affirming care,” Do said. This campaign aimed to dispel misconceptions about transgender care and to treat it like any other kind of healthcare. “We’re trying to frame gender affirming care access as part of health care access for all,” Do said. 

Deep canvassing 

Maria Do talks to canvassing volunteers in Monterey Park, CA, on Nov 1, 2026.

Deep canvassing at the LGBT Center has its origins in the political battle over the 2008 ballot proposition to ban gay marriage in the state of California. After the ballot proposition passed, the center organized volunteers to knock on doors and have conversations with voters who supported it. These conversations surprised advocates. 

“Concerns voters had about same-sex marriage weren’t rooted at all in lived experience, but were fed through media misinformation and their own biases,” Do said. This convinced organizers at the LGBT Center that having face-to-face interactions with voters would be the most productive way to combat narratives that dehumanized and politicized queer rights. This same technique is being utilized by the center today to target rising anti-trans sentiment and policy. 

Do says that many people are unaware of reduced access to gender affirming care and threats against health systems, patients, and providers from the federal government. Many did not know that Children’s Hospital Los Angeles shut down the largest gender affirming care clinic for trans youth in the country following pressure from the Trump-Vance administration. When canvassers inform people about these challenges, they often get into conversations about a voter’s own struggles with healthcare access. 

“They have shared a lot of stories about Medi-Cal access being cut,” Do said. Voters have also expressed concerns over Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officers in their communities. These similar concerns over healthcare access and federal overreach can help build solidarity across demographic communities. “To share that attacks are also happening on the transgender community has allowed space to sort of see the through line between different efforts to help protect various marginalized communities,” Do said.

What’s on the ballot

The Los Angeles LGBT Center’s canvassing materials in Monterey Park, CA, on Nov 1, 2026.

The L.A. LGBT Center is non-partisan and has not officially endorsed any candidates on the ballot. But the organization still views this election as consequential for queer people across the state and decided to weigh in on six of the statewide ballot propositions, emphasizing an opposition to Proposition 44. 

The proposition would mandate that community health clinics spend 90% of their annual income on patient care. While proponents of the measure say that it would ensure that clinics are prioritizing services over profits, critics say that its definition of patient care is too narrow, that 90% is an unrealistic goal, and it would end up hurting patients more than helping them. 

LGBT Center officials have said that it would harm community clinics around the state, including others that specialize in queer healthcare. 

“Community clinics who fall short [of spending 90% of revenue on program expenses]… would face severe penalties, an estimated $1.7 billion in the first year alone. At a time when the federal government is seeking to strip people of healthcare, this measure will lead clinics to close and make matters worse,” the L.A. LGBT Center’s director of advocacy Joey Hernández said in a written statement. 

“It isn’t always going to be a win”

Maria Do and Ricardo Sebastián fill out forms while canvassing in Monterey Park, CA, on Nov 1, 2026.

Ricardo Sebastiań has volunteered for two of the deep canvassing actions with the LGBT Center and said it is an effective way to change people’s minds. 

“Canvassing is a tried and true tactic for advocacy,” Sebastián said. 

They think that a face-to-face conversation with someone can humanize what can otherwise feel like abstract political issues. “Even if you’re meeting somebody who has a different worldview, there is an opportunity there to find middle ground, and that shifts people. You never know the type of impact you’re going to have on somebody when you’re having an open dialogue,” Sebastián said. 

Do said that volunteers have spoken with people who had never met a transgender person before and that these conversations around trans healthcare can drastically change these people’s perspectives. “Folks started to see themselves and started to empathize,” when they spoke about transgender healthcare with canvassers with the LGBT Center, Do said. 

When out knocking on doors, the most common response for canvassers is, well, nothing. Most of the time, knocks go unanswered and volunteers simply leave behind pamphlets provided by the LGBT Center. And even when canvassers get someone to the door, they can often be preoccupied and dismissive. But this doesn’t discourage volunteers like Sebastián. They feel like the productive conversations they have make it all worth it. 

“It isn’t always going to be a win,” Sebastián said. “There’s always going to be somebody who doesn’t want to talk to you or doesn’t care or is very staunch in opposing views. But you can’t let that discourage you from getting to the next door.”

Caleb Kaufman is a California Local News Fellow placed with the Los Angeles Blade. The California Local News Fellowship is a state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting. Learn more about it at fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows.

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Politics

Michigan Senate race puts two sharply different LGBTQ+ records head to head

Abdul El-Sayed challenging U.S. Sen. Mike Rogers (R-Mich.)

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U.S. Capitol (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Poll workers across the country are pulling out the ballots and “I voted” stickers, bracing for one of the most divisive and consequential midterm elections in modern times.

Few states have drawn as much media attention, fiery rhetoric, and last-minute political shake-ups as Michigan.

Tomorrow, Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed will face off against Republican nominee Mike Rogers for the Great Lakes State’s Senate seat.

In a state where LGBTQ+ adults make up nearly 11 percent of the population, it is important to understand where each candidate stands on issues affecting the community.

El-Sayed, a former public health official and politician, has a record of advocacy and healthcare policy experience related to the LGBTQ+ community.

He led Detroit’s Ryan White HIV program and partnered with LGBT Detroit to make public health services more open and affirming for LGBTQ+ residents. Drawing on his public health expertise, he has also committed to restoring federal HIV and PrEP funding gutted by the Trump-Vance administration. He refuses corporate PAC money, has been outspoken in his support for trans rights, and has vowed to be a “lion for LGBTQ+ rights” in the Senate.

Earlier this year, El-Sayed spoke to PrideSource, where he reaffirmed his support for the LGBTQ+ community, specifically the transgender community, which has faced the brunt of political attacks and hateful rhetoric.

“There’s a reason that if I’m asked, I always say that I support trans rights because I believe in all rights,” El-Sayed said. “I want folks to see their own rights in the plight of a trans person who’s being discriminated against.”

He continued, explaining that if he gets elected to the Senate, he will champion LGBTQ+ rights wherever he can.

“I want the community to know that I intend to be a lion for rights. When somebody’s coming for you, I intend to stand in the cut to protect you. We have to answer this broader question — do we want to live in the kind of America where we leave some of us behind, or do we want to live in the kind of America where we understand that government of the people, by the people, and for the people means all the people?

“My job as a public servant is to stand up for folks. It’s what motivated a lot of my efforts in Detroit and Wayne County to make sure that our services were deeply accessible and empowering of LGBTQ+ residents — and it’s why I take the idea of protecting all of our rights so seriously.”

Rogers, meanwhile, last served as a public servant in 2015, when he represented Michigan’s 8th Congressional District. Before entering politics, he worked as a special agent for the FBI from 1989 to 1994. He unsuccessfully ran for Congress again in 2024 and is now seeking a seat in the Senate.

Compared to El-Sayed, Rogers has a lengthy anti-LGBTQ+ record, according to the Human Rights Campaign and GLAAD.

Rogers has called being gay a “lifestyle choice” saying he wouldn’t support his own child if they were gay, has a record of multiple votes against marriage equality, as well as opposition to the repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” the discriminatory military policy that led to LGBTQ+ service members being discharged for who they are or who they love.

Rogers also voted against the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, which expanded federal hate crime protections to people targeted because of their gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability, alongside existing protections based on race, color, religion, or national origin.

Additionally, he voted against a fully inclusive Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), which sought to ensure survivors received protections and housing regardless of their gender or sexual orientation. He also voted against the Affordable Care Act, which prohibits insurance companies from discriminating against people with pre-existing conditions, including LGBTQ+ patients.

His record has become a point of contention, which saw an unexpected political shake up that has started to dominate coverage. 

Just yesterday, U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens, a Michigan Democrat who previously ran against El-Sayed for the party’s Senate nomination, withdrew her endorsement of him and instead endorsed Rogers, surprising her team and members of the Democratic Party.

Jeremy Moss, an LGBTQ+ state lawmaker who is also running for federal office in Michigan that the Blade interviewed earlier this election cycle, condemned Steven’s sudden about face in a statement on Instagram.

“I strongly disagree with Haley Stevens’ decision to endorse Mike Rogers.

Abdul and I have talked about our shared commitment to fighting MAGA extremism, dismantling ICE, and expanding affordable healthcare … But openly cheerleading Mike Rogers is unacceptable. He would be a rubberstamp for Donald Trump, from engaging in voter suppression and election denial, to continuing ICE’s cruel and unlawful operations, to defending disastrous tariffs, to slashing affordable healthcare, and more …

And Rogers, with his abysmal anti-LGBT record, would gleefully confirm Supreme Court justices who will rollback the rights that I have fought hard to protect.”

Despite himself not being a member of the LGBTQ community, HRC has become a vocal supporter of El-Sayed since he emerged as the Democratic nominee.

“I’m proud to have the Human Rights Campaign standing with us in this race,” said El-Sayed. “LGBTQ+ Michiganders deserve leaders who will have their backs when it matters most, not just when it’s politically convenient. That’s the commitment I’ve carried throughout my career in Detroit and Wayne County, and in the United States Senate, I’ll fight to ensure every Michigander can live without discrimination and never have to wonder whether their rights will still be there tomorrow.”

HRC President Kelley Robinson issued a statement today ahead of tomorrow’s election, urging Michigan voters to choose equality over discrimination.

“Mike Rogers voted for a constitutional ban on marriage equality — more than once. He opposed the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. And he’s gone after trans kids. There’s only one pro-equality Senate candidate on the ballot in Michigan: Abdul El-Sayed. And he has HRC’s unequivocal support,” Robinson said in a statement. “We have boots on the ground in Michigan, and we’re seeing this thing through until the end.”

The Los Angeles Blade reached out to Rogers regarding his anti-LGBTQ+ policy record but did not receive a response by the time of publication.

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California

City Attorney candidate Marissa Roy to Children’s Hospital L.A.: ‘You still have to comply with state law’

Roy said CHLA’s ending of trans healthcare could be illegal under California law that bars discrimination on the basis of gender identity

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California Deputy Attorney Gen. Marissa Roy is in a race against Deputy District Attorney John McKinney to be the next City Attorney of Los Angeles. The election for City Attorney has been overshadowed by L.A.’s Mayoral election and the national midterms that will determine control of both chambers of Congress. However, the City Attorney has the power to interpret national, state, and local laws in Los Angeles, set guidelines for enforcement of laws, and represent the city in civil and misdemeanor capacities. This means the winner of the election will shape the city’s legal priorities from law enforcement to civil rights and consumer protection. 

Roy spoke with the Los Angeles Blade in an exclusive interview discussing her campaign priorities and her plans if elected as the L.A.’s next City Attorney. 

First and foremost, Roy views Los Angeles as a city under siege by the Trump-Vance administration and believes that the current City Attorney, Hydee Feldstein Soto, could have done more to insulate the city from harm. 

“I think the thing to remember with the Trump administration at the end of the day is that they’re bullies,” Roy said. She believes that the city should be fighting the Trump-Vance administration in court more aggressively and more frequently. “We need to be really active in this litigation because it is what works,” she said, adding that when the National Guard was deployed in L.A. amid protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement, California state sued for their removal, not the city. 

A particularly prominent example of the Trump-Vance administration’s policies impacting Los Angeles came last year when Children’s Hospital L.A. ended its gender-affirming care services amid federal pressure. Roy said that if elected, she would work to get the hospital to reinstate the “life-saving care” the hospital provided for transgender youth. She said that regardless of executive orders to end gender affirming care for minors, it still remains legal in California and that it may be a violation of the California Unruh Civil Rights Act to deny trans patients care on the basis of their gender identity.  

“As city attorney, I would want to work with the California Department of Justice to say that you still have to comply with state law, which bans that discrimination,” Roy said. She also said that the city could join numerous other lawsuits against the Trump-Vance administration, as it has targeted gender-affirming care and transgender rights across the country, something current City Attorney Feldstein Soto has not yet done. 

Roy said another priority of her campaign was to wield the City Attorney’s office to protect Angelenos from predatory employers, landlords, and companies. She wants to scale up the public rights branch of the City Attorney’s office from 25 to 100 lawyers to help the city proactively prosecute workers’ rights, tenant rights, and consumer protection cases. When the city wins these cases, they not only get back pay and restitution for the litigants, they also get civil penalties from whoever violated the law, which can then go towards fighting more cases. “These are revenue-generating sections, and they operate based on the penalties they win, so that is how we are able to scale up the work,” Roy said. 

But more important than any individual issue, Roy wants to show Angelenos that the city is actively working for them, not just waiting and watching. “I know that this office can be a fighter and that people deserve their government to be fighting with them,” Roy said. “It shouldn’t always fall on their shoulders … this should be an office that is your lawyer.”

For more information, head to www.MarissaRoy.com.

Caleb Kaufman is a California Local News Fellow placed with the Los Angeles Blade. The California Local News Fellowship is a state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting. Learn more about it at fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows.

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White House

Allegations involving Ric Grenell raise questions about pay-for-play in White House

Gay administration official at center of questions involving paid access to Trump

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Ric Grenell speaks at the 2024 Republican National Convention in Milwaukee. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Questions about how high-level political appointees wield their power have long persisted, particularly under the Trump-Vance administration. Now, allegations involving openly gay Special Presidential Envoy for Special Missions Ric Grenell, White House adviser Alina Habba, and her husband, Turkish businessman Turhan Mildon, are making headlines across newsrooms.

The allegations have prompted President Donald Trump to order an investigation into what has become a convoluted mess, raising questions about a potential “pay-for-play” scheme within the White House.

Axios first reported that Habba accused Grenell of directing her husband to send $17.6 million to a Texas defense and security company, with approximately $5.6 million supposedly earmarked for the Kennedy Center. A text message allegedly sent by Grenell to Mildon promised VIP events and access to administration officials, including Trump, in connection with arranging a donation.

“Once the money comes to the company here, I will arrange the donation to Kennedy center, and you’ll be joining the VIP events and get close with the administration, even with POTUS,” the message allegedly sent by Grenell reads, according to Axios.

Habba, a former U.S. attorney for New Jersey, has alleged that the Kennedy Center never received the donation. Grenell, who served as the center’s acting director from February 2025 to March 2026, has denied sending the text message and called the allegations against him false.

According to Axios, Habba raised concerns with Trump on Oct. 9 after money had reportedly been sent to the Texas company but the promised donation to the Kennedy Center had not materialized. One administration official described Habba as “pretty animated” during the discussion and said she exclaimed at one point, “Ric stole the money!”

However, an administration source told Axios that Habba had not gathered all the necessary information before making the accusation.

“[She] didn’t have all her stuff in order. She went in there half-cocked without all the facts yelling about Grenell stealing. And the facts keep changing,” the source told Axiso. “That doesn’t mean Ric is out of the woods. This looks really shady.”

Following Habba’s accusations, Trump called White House Counsel Will Scharf into the Oval Office and asked him to investigate her claims, according to sources cited by Axios.

Trump and Scharf then called Grenell, who denied the allegations and said he would have immediately alerted others if he had known about a $17 million contribution.

“There’s no way this is true. This is crazy,” Grenell told Trump at one point, according to a source briefed on the discussion.

The Kennedy Center reportedly has no record of receiving the alleged $5.6 million contribution. The White House investigation remains ongoing, with officials examining the digital authenticity of the disputed text message.

Grenell has denied soliciting money under false pretenses or receiving any payment from Mildon.

“I’ve never asked for one cent to be sent somewhere else pretending it was for the Kennedy Center, and I’ve never received any payment from him at all,” Grenell said. “Make him give proof to what he is saying, not make these absurd allegations.”

The amount Habba cited has also reportedly changed. She initially claimed the donation intended for the Kennedy Center totaled approximately $17 million, while the amount allegedly designated for the performing arts institution appears to have been $5.6 million.

The allegations come amid broader questions about corruption within the Trump-Vance administration. Vice President JD Vance addressed the issue last week when asked whether he had witnessed anything inside the White House that gave him pause.

“D.C. is a corrupt town,” Vance said. However, he added, “I have not seen a single shred of evidence that [Trump] participates or sanctions in that corruption.”

The Los Angeles Blade reached out to the White House, Habba, and Grenell for comment but did not receive a response before publication.

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California

Nithya Raman makes her case for LGBTQ voters in the race for LA Mayor

The mayoral candidate said she would use ‘every tool that the city has to protect trans Angelenos’

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Nithya Raman speaks at an LGBTQ fundraiser for her campaign on at the Black Cat on October 8, 2026.

On a cool evening, around a hundred people gathered at the Black Cat’s outdoor seating area in Silverlake. The crowd was full of precisely trimmed mustaches, sleeveless cardigans, and colorful rainbow pins that read “Nithya Raman for Mayor of Los Angeles.” 

This was the “Coming out for Nithya” LGBTQ fundraiser for Nithya Raman’s mayoral campaign. 

The event which took place on October 8th, was hosted by gay comedian Joel Kim Booster and Pickles the Drag Queen. The pair encouraged the queer audience to support Raman and to donate money to her campaign. The event ended with over $20,000 raised to support Raman according to an organizer of the fundraiser.

Raman is locked in a tight race to become the next mayor of Los Angeles with current incumbent Karen Bass. After coming second in the mayoral primary in August, defeating right-wing provocateur and former reality TV star Spencer Pratt, Raman and Bass advanced to the general election. Since then, current City Councilmember Raman has been steadily gaining in the polls, with most showing her now maintaining a consistent lead over Bass. But the race is far from over, as many of the same polls show a large portion of voters are still undecided. Mayor Bass did not respond to multiple requests to comment on this story. 

After an hour of the audience ordering drinks and snacking on appetizers, Raman took the stage. She addressed the audience in an impassioned speech where she invoked the history of the historic Black Cat venue where the event was taking place.

In the early hours of New Year’s Day 1967, undercover police officers raided the gay bar, arresting and beating patrons for kissing people of the same gender as the new year rolled in. The raid left many queer community members badly injured, and others were permanently placed on the sex offender registry. The bar would soon have its liquor license revoked and was forced to close only a few months later. 

“Six weeks after the raid, hundreds of people stood right where we are right now on Sunset [Avenue] and peacefully protested,” Raman said in her speech. “In 1967 being seen on that sidewalk could cost you your job, it could cost you your home, it could cost you your family, and they showed up anyways,” she said. “How remarkably brave.” 

She then tied the historic oppression of queer people in Los Angeles to contemporary issues, highlighting the Trump-Vance administration’s targeting of transgender people. “Right now, Donald Trump and the people around him are running a coordinated attack on trans people,” she said. Raman remarked on how this targeting of trans people has impacted Los Angeles. “Last year, under pressure from the Federal government, Children’s Hospital Los Angeles shut down the largest clinic for trans youth in the country,” she said, referring to Children’s Hospital Los Angeles’ decision to suspend gender affirming care services. 

“As mayor, I will use every tool that the city has to protect trans Angelenos,” Raman said to ecstatic applause from the audience.

After her speech, Raman spoke with the Los Angeles Blade about the specific actions she would take to protect Angelenos from the federal government. 

According to Raman, the federal administration is conditioning funding to the city “in ways that undercut some of the values of inclusiveness that we have here,” she said. “Going through the courts is very powerful… I would do more of that. This city has actually not filed as many cases as other cities have.” 

Speaking about CHLA’s ending of gender affirming care services, Raman said, “There are other hospitals that have not stepped back from their services as quickly as CHLA did.” If elected as Mayor, Raman said she would “reach out to their board and speak to them about that decision and see how we can push them to do better [for] trans patients,” she said, adding that she doesn’t think “that outreach has happened yet” under Mayor Bass’ administration. 

She added that her campaign’s focus on affordability and affordable housing is particularly important for queer people. She said that if elected, she would create “an office of tenant protections” to help renters most vulnerable to being priced out of the city. 

“Housing is what makes LA a haven for people,” Raman said. “If you can’t afford to live here, then LA is not a place that is inclusive anymore.” 

Caleb Kaufman is a California Local News Fellow placed with the Los Angeles Blade. The California Local News Fellowship is a state-funded initiative to support and strengthen local news reporting. Learn more about it at fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows.

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