Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party-Komeito coalition on July 20 lost its majority in the upper house of the country’s Diet, securing only 47 of the 125 seats up for grabs in the 248-member chamber.

Sanseitō, a right-wing populist party, surged from one to 14 seats, gaining legislative proposal power. Led by Sohei Kamiya, its anti-LGBTQ+ stance that includes opposition to marriage equality and school discussions, raises concerns for the community’s rights.

On July 3, a day after Sanseitō’s campaign began, Kamiya, its leader and chief spokesperson, criticized Japan’s gender equality policies as “misguided.” In a speech, he supported a 100,000 yen ($673.80) monthly child allowance to boost birth rates, but opposed diversity initiatives and gender policies, claiming they weaken traditional Japanese culture.

In campaign materials and voter guides, Kamiya opposed marriage equality, the 2023 Act on Promotion of Public Understanding of Diversity of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity, and LGBTQ+ education in schools. Sanseitō’s platform, detailed in its official 2025 election manifesto published on its website, rejects these policies, a position Kamiya reinforced in a July 3 speech covered by the Asahi Shimbun, one of the oldest Japanese daily newspapers, aligning with the party’s “Japanese First” agenda.

The Diet on June 16, 2023, passed the Act on the Promotion of Public Understanding of Diversity of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity. The law mandates that the national government, local authorities, businesses, schools, and employers foster understanding of diverse sexual orientations and gender identities, to create a tolerant society and prevent unfair discrimination.

The Los Angeles Blade in March reported the Nagoya High Court declared Japan’s lack of legal recognition for same-sex marriages unconstitutional. The ruling strengthened advocates’ push for marriage equality in Japan, the only G7 nation yet to grant such rights.

Five Japanese high courts — in Sapporo, Tokyo, Fukuoka, Nagoya, and Osaka — between March 2024 and March 2025 ruled the country’s ban on same-sex marriage is unconstitutional, citing violations of constitutional guarantees of equality and individual dignity under Articles 13, 14, and 24.

The Liberal Democratic Party-Komeito coalition’s loss of its House of Councillors majority election, the first since 1955, hinders Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba’s ability to advance progressive legislation. The coalition’s minority status in both houses of the Diet requires consensus with opposition parties, such as the Constitutional Democratic Party or the Democratic Party for the People, a challenge given ideological divides and Sanseitō’s growing influence.

“We do not believe that the results of this election have a significant impact on the LGBTQ+ movement in Japan. However, we are concerned that the negative claims and misinformation about LGBTQ+ issues spread by right-wing political candidates and their supporters during the election campaign may have had a negative impact on society,” said Takeharu Kato, director of Marriage for All Japan. “We have not yet fully analyzed the reasons behind the gains made by right-wing parties such as Sanseitō in this election.”

“However, we need to be aware that it is becoming easier for populist parties to gain support due to the spread of social media,” added Kato. “Their arguments regarding same-sex marriage and transgender issues are completely unfounded, but such claims are being spread on social media without any fact-checking.”

Kato noted the proportion of MPs supporting marriage equality legalization dipped slightly from 46 percent to 45 percent. Kato emphasized that while the election outcome does not fundamentally alter the LGBTQ+ movement’s strategy, it requires tailored lobbying efforts to navigate the evolving political dynamics.

“At present, we are analyzing the reasons for the rise of right-wing political parties, and no specific action plan has been decided yet,” said Kato. “Support for populist parties and politicians is growing worldwide.

Their arguments often have commonalities, such as xenophobia and anti-gender equality. Therefore, I believe it is increasingly important to launch campaigns to counter these movements through international cooperation. Domestically, I also think it is important to collaborate with activists and movements for separate surnames for married couples.”

Kato told the Blade that with minority rights increasingly threatened, Japan’s courts, viewed as the last bastion for protecting human rights, must take bold action. On marriage equality legalization, he urged the judiciary to not only rule the current ban unconstitutional but also direct legislative changes and limit the Diet’s discretion

“Even after this election, the percentage of Diet members who support the legalization of same-sex marriage has remained almost unchanged from before the election. In other words, even after this election, roughly half of Diet members support the legalization of same-sex marriage,” said Kato. “Therefore, the results of this election should not be interpreted as reflecting a negative or cautious public opinion toward the legalization of same-sex marriage. We would like you to report this accurately.”

Akira Nishiyama, an activist with the Japan Alliance for LGBT Legislation, told the Blade that Sanseitō’s seat gains in the House of Councillors are likely to amplify discriminatory rhetoric during Diet sessions, potentially hindering progress on sexuality-related bills and policies.

“The specific details of the basic implementation plan and guidelines under the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI) Awareness-raising law will be formulated later, therefore we can’t take our eyes off from how the result of election will affect the process of formulation,” said Nishiyama. “In any case, we intend to confront fake news that is being spread while avoiding drawing too much attention to right-wing and extreme right-wing groups and refraining from contributing to their propaganda.”

Nishiyama said that while resisting right-wing and far-right attacks domestically is essential, the LGBTQ+ community must avoid letting these groups dominate attention. Instead, collaboration is needed to reinforce freedom, human rights, and democracy. Internationally, Nishiyama urged overseas media to expose the coordinated nature of anti-LGBTQ+ attacks, tracing their sources and funding, and to highlight any efforts by hegemonic powers to weaken democratic forces through such campaigns.

Mameta Endo, a transgender rights activist in Japan with Niji-zu, one of the most visible organizations that provides service for LGBTQ+ youth in Japan, told the Blade that while major LGBTQ+ organizations have not formally addressed Sanseito’s rise, activists have expressed alarm at protests. Endo highlighted Kamiya’s public statements, including “We don’t need LGBT” and “We don’t need gender-free thinking. Men should be manly, and women should be womanly,” which Endo said feels like a personal denial of his existence.

“While Sanseitō remains a minor political party and is unlikely to immediately influence national politics, its distinctive strategy involves spreading misinformation to stir public anxiety toward minorities such as foreigners, thereby inciting the general public,” said Endo. “Already, during this protest and recent elections, false information about foreigners has spread widely, forcing the media to devote resources to fact-checking.” 

“Regarding LGBTQ issues, a baseless rumor circulated on social media in Saitama Prefecture, claiming that an anti-discrimination ordinance led to gender-neutral restrooms and changing rooms at a welfare facility, causing mass resignations of staff,” noted Endo. “This misinformation was spread by an advisor to Sanseitō.”

Endo said Sanseitō’s actions have fueled disruptions, including 300 complaints that prompted Saitama’s governor to hold two press conferences to counter false information. Endo said Sanseito supporters have targeted his organization with campaigns claiming it seeks to separate children from parents and endanger them. 

A Sanseitō-affiliated Shibuya City assembly member has also opposed government-hosted LGBTQ+ youth spaces, citing lack of parental consent. 

Endo noted Sanseitō’s spread of unfounded claims in education, including LGBTQ+ grooming conspiracies detailed in their recent TPATH blog article, risks stoking parental fear and disrupting schools.

“Sanseitō appears to be modeling its approach on that of Donald Trump, seeking out groups it can target in order to attract media attention,” said Endo. “While their current focus is primarily on foreigners, there is a growing fear that LGBTQ people may become their next target.” 

“To counter the stream of misinformation they spread, it is essential to conduct rapid fact-checking, push public institutions to issue accurate information, and educate the media,” said Endo. “Sanseitō is a newly formed party with underdeveloped policies and frequently shifting positions, which has led to criticism even from some on the political right. It will be important to work with both the ruling and opposition parties, including the Liberal Democratic Party, to ensure that accurate information is being disseminated.”

Endo told the Blade that Sanseito’s rise reflects a temporary populist wave, popular among voters under 30, many of whom support marriage equality but may have voted for the party, swayed by TikTok content, unaware of its anti-LGBTQ+ stance. Citing the Democratic Party for the People’s social media-driven surge six months ago and Shinji Ishimaru’s fleeting popularity in the 2024 Tokyo governor election, Endo argued Sanseitō’s support, tied to its anti-foreigner rhetoric amid over-tourism concerns, does not signal a public rejection of LGBTQ+ policies.

Diego Garcia Rodriguez, a Leverhulme Research Fellow at the University of Nottingham and LGBTQ+ activist, told the Blade that the Liberal Democratic Party-Komeito coalition’s loss of its House of Councillors majority likely stems from voter frustration over stagnant wages, rising costs, and trade disputes, rather than a direct rejection of LGBTQ+ rights. 

Garcia noted that while 72 percent of Japanese people support marriage equality and all 47 prefectures offer partnership certificates, only four of the Liberal Democratic Party-Komeito’s 79 upper-house candidates backed marriage rights for same-sex couples, reflecting the party’s lag on minority rights. Sanseitō’s pledge to repeal the 2023 LGBT Understanding Promotion Act and its opposition to “excessive” minority protections could elevate equality debates in future elections, though Garcia believes these were not the decisive factor this time.

“Sanseitō’s rise is worrying for many reasons but one of them has to do with  long‑term equality work obviously,” said Garcia. “By contrast, progressive reforms are already under way … So I guess the battle is now between those who want to normalise diversity in classrooms and a fascist noisy group that is determined to roll back that progress.”

Garcia told the Blade that the election has energized queer communities and allies, with Marriage for All Japan and Asuniwa launching a smartphone tool, allowing voters to scan campaign posters to check candidates’ positions on marriage equality, empowering younger voters to hold politicians accountable. Social media sharing of candidate questionnaires has also surged. Garcia, however, noted growing fatigue among activists, campaigning for years, and concern over Sanseitō’s far-right presence in the Diet, shifting advocacy from broad outreach to targeted pressure on lawmakers.

Garcia told the Blade the Act on the Promotion of Public Understanding of Diversity of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity is largely symbolic, as its original clause banning discrimination was softened to “there should be no unfair discrimination” and lacks penalties. Local governments and companies are still adopting training and policies, and more municipalities are enacting ordinances against outing someone’s sexual orientation or gender identity. 

All 47 prefectures now offer partnership systems. Date, a city in Fukushima Prefecture, for example, providing housing benefits and family recognition. 

Garcia said the election’s impact on these initiatives hinges on local leadership, as conservative councillors may resist, but many mayors view such measures as ways to attract young residents and investment, regardless of national politics.

“They should listen to the courts and the people,” he said. “As I have said before high courts have made it clear that denying same‑sex couples the right to marry is unconstitutional, and a large majority of the public supports marriage equality so in my opinion refusing to act not only violates basic rights, but also perpetuates the mental‑health crisis documented by ReBit if we look at the survey where over half of LGBTQ teens have contemplated suicide in Japan.” 

“So, passing a clear anti‑discrimination law and amending the civil code would send a powerful signal that everyone deserves respect and dignity,” added Garcia. “I would also urge lawmakers to protect inclusive education because children should learn that diversity is something they should respect and promote, rather than turning this into a taboo thing.”

SAN SALVADOR, El Salvador — El reloj marcaba el mediodía cuando los primeros colores del arcoíris comenzaron a ondear frente a la emblemática Plaza del Divino Salvador del Mundo. A pesar de la incertidumbre generada en redes sociales, donde abundaban los rumores sobre una posible cancelación de la marcha por la diversidad sexual, la ciudad capital comenzaba a llenarse de esperanza, de resistencia y de orgullo.

Este año, la Marcha del Orgullo LGBTQ+ en El Salvador se desarrolló en un contexto tenso, en medio de un clima político que reprime y silencia a las voces disidentes. 

“Aunque las estadísticas digan que no existimos, viviendo en El Salvador, un país donde hoy, después de décadas de avances, defender los derechos humanos es de nuevo una causa perseguida, criminalizada y silenciada”, afirmaron representantes de la Federación Salvadoreña LGBTQ+.

A pesar de la cancelación del festival cultural que usualmente acompaña la marcha, los colectivos decidieron seguir adelante con la movilización, priorizando el sentido original de la actividad: salir a las calles para visibilizarse, exigir respeto a sus derechos y recordar a quienes ya no están.

A la 1:30 p.m., una fuerte lluvia comenzó a caer sobre la ciudad. Algunas de las personas presentes corrieron a refugiarse, mientras otras, debajo de sombrillas y de los escasos árboles en la plaza, decidieron mantenerse firmes. Los comentarios pesimistas no se hicieron esperar: “a lo mejor la cancelan por el clima”, “no se ve tanta gente como otros años”. Sin embargo, lo que siguió fue una muestra de resistencia: a las 2:05 p.m. las voces comenzaron a llamar a tomar las calles.

Visibilidad como resistencia

La marcha arrancó bajo una llovizna persistente. La Avenida Roosevelt y la Alameda Juan Pablo II se tiñeron de colores con banderas arcoíris, trans, lésbicas, bisexuales y otras que representan a los diversos sectores de la población LGBTQ+. Cada bandera alzada fue un acto político, cada paso una declaración de existencia.

Desde la Plaza del Divino Salvador del Mundo hasta la Plaza Gerardo Barrios, frente a Catedral Metropolitana y el Palacio Nacional, la marcha se convirtió en un carnaval de dignidad. Carteles con frases como “El amor no se reprime”, “Mi existencia no es delito” o “Marcho por quien ya no puede hacerlo” se alzaron entre las multitudes.

La movilización fue también un espacio para recordar a quienes han perdido la vida por la discriminación y el rechazo. Familias que marcharon por hijos, hijas o amigues que se suicidaron a causa del estigma. Personas que caminaron por quienes aún viven en el miedo, por quienes no pudieron salir del clóset, por quienes se han ido del país huyendo de la violencia.

Arte, fe y rebeldía

Una de las escenas más llamativas fue protagonizada por Nelson Valle, un joven gay que marchó vestido como sacerdote. 

“Hay muchas personas que secretamente asisten a ritos religiosos como en Semana Santa, y les gusta vivir en lo oculto. Pero la fe debe ser algo libre porque Dios es amor y es para todos”, dijo.

Valle utilizó su vestimenta como una forma de protesta contra las estructuras religiosas que aún condenan la diversidad sexual. 

“Un ejemplo de persona que abrió el diálogo del respeto fue el papa Francisco, abrió la mente y muy adelantado a su tiempo, porque dejó claro que hay que escuchar a toda persona que quiere encontrar a Dios”, agregó.

La marcha también incluyó bandas musicales, grupos de cachiporristas, carrozas artísticas, colectivos provenientes de distintos puntos del país, y manifestaciones de orgullo en todas sus formas. Fue un mosaico cultural que mostró la riqueza y diversidad de la población LGBTQ+ en El Salvador.

Una lucha que persiste

Las organizaciones presentes coincidieron en su mensaje: la lucha por la igualdad y el reconocimiento no se detiene, a pesar de los intentos del Estado por invisibilizarlos. 

“Nuestros cuerpos se niegan a ser borrados y a morir en la invisibilidad de registros que no guardan nuestros nombres ni nuestros géneros”, declararon representantes de la Federación.

Además, agregaron: “Desde este país que nos quiere callar, levantamos nuestras voces: ¡La comunidad LGBTIQ+ no se borra! ¡El Salvador también es nuestro! Construyamos, entre todes, un país donde podamos vivir con Orgullo.”

El ambiente fue de respeto, pero también de desconfianza. La presencia de agentes policiales no pasó desapercibida. Aunque no hubo reportes oficiales de violencia, varias personas expresaron su temor por posibles represalias.

“Marchar hoy es también un acto de valentía”, comentó Alejandra, una joven lesbiana que viajó desde Santa Ana para participar. “Pero tenemos derecho a vivir, a amar, a soñar. Y si nos detenemos, les damos la razón a quienes nos quieren ver en silencio.”

Rumbo al futuro

Concluida la marcha frente a Catedral y el Palacio Nacional, muchas personas permanecieron en la plaza compartiendo abrazos, fotos y palabras de aliento. No hubo festival, no hubo escenario, pero hubo algo más valioso: una comunidad que sigue viva, que sigue resistiendo.

Los retos son muchos: falta de leyes de protección y que apoye las identidades de las personas trans, discriminación laboral, violencia por prejuicio, rechazo familiar, y una narrativa estatal que pretende que no existen. Pero la marcha del 28 de junio demostró que, aunque el camino sea cuesta arriba, la dignidad y el orgullo no se borran.

La lucha por un El Salvador más justo, más plural y más inclusivo continúa. En palabras de uno de los carteles más llamativos de ese día: “No estamos aquí para pedir permiso, estamos aquí para recordar que también somos parte de este país”.

OrgulloLGBT.co es el socio mediático del Los Angeles Blade en Colombia. Esta nota salió en su sitio web.

En un hecho histórico para los derechos humanos en Colombia, la Comisión Primera de la Cámara de Representantes aprobó en primer debate el Proyecto de Ley 122 de 2024, conocido como la Ley Integral Trans, que busca garantizar la igualdad efectiva de las personas con identidades de género diversas en el país. Esta iniciativa, impulsada por más de cien organizaciones sociales defensoras de los derechos LGBTQ+, congresistas de la comisión por la Diversidad y personas trans, representa un paso decisivo hacia el reconocimiento pleno de derechos para esta población históricamente marginada.

La Ley Integral Trans propone un marco normativo robusto para enfrentar la discriminación y promover la inclusión. Entre sus principales ejes se destacan el acceso a servicios de salud con enfoque diferencial, el reconocimiento de la identidad de género en todos los ámbitos de la vida, la creación de programas de empleo y educación para personas trans, así como medidas para garantizar el acceso a la justicia y la protección frente a violencias basadas en prejuicios.

Detractores hablan de ‘imposición ideológica

Sin embargo, el avance del proyecto no ha estado exento de polémicas. Algunos sectores conservadores han señalado que la iniciativa representa una “imposición ideológica”. La senadora y precandidata presidencial María Fernanda Cabal anunció públicamente que se opondrá al proyecto de Ley Integral Trans cuando llegue al Senado, argumentando que “todas las personas deben ser tratadas por igual” y que esta propuesta vulneraría un principio constitucional. Estas declaraciones anticipan un debate intenso en las próximas etapas legislativas.

El proyecto también establecelineamientos claros para que las instituciones públicas respeten el nombre y el género con los que las personas trans se identifican, en concordancia con su identidad de género, y contempla procesos de formación y sensibilización en entidades estatales. Además, impulsa políticas públicas en contextos clave como el trabajo, la educación, la cultura y el deporte, promoviendo una vida libre de discriminación y con garantías plenas de participación.

¿Qué sigue para que sea ley?

La Ley aún debe superar varios debates legislativos, incluyendo la plenaria en la Cámara y luego el paso al Senado; pero la sola aprobación en Comisión Primera ya constituye un hito en la lucha por la igualdad y la dignidad de las personas trans en Colombia. En un país donde esta población enfrenta altos niveles de exclusión, violencia y barreras estructurales, este avance legislativo renueva la esperanza de una transformación real.

Desde www.orgullolgbt.co, celebramos este logro, invitamos a unirnos en esta causa impulsándola en los círculos a los que tengamos acceso y reiteramos nuestro compromiso con la visibilidad, los derechos y la vida digna de las personas trans. La #LeyIntegralTrans bautizada “Ley Sara Millerey” en honor de la mujer trans recientemente asesinada en Bello, Antioquia (ver más aquí); no es solo una propuesta normativa: es un acto de justicia que busca asegurar condiciones reales para que todas las personas puedan vivir con libertad, seguridad y respeto por su identidad.

Editor’s note: Los Angeles Blade International News Editor Michael K. Lavers was on assignment in Argentina and Uruguay from April 2-12, 2025.

ROSARIO, Argentina — Two transgender women in Argentina’s Santa Fe province are documenting the persecution of trans people that took place during the brutal military dictatorship that governed their country from 1976-1983.

Carolina Boetti and Marzia Echenique created the Travestí Trans Santa Fe Archive, which seeks to “create a collective memory,” in 2020. (“Travestí” is the Spanish word for “crossdresser.”)

The archive, among other things, includes interviews with trans women who the dictatorship arrested and tortured. The archive also contains photographs from that period.

The archive is not in a specific location, but Boetti and Echenique have given presentations at local schools and universities. They have also spoken at a museum in Rosario, the largest city in Santa Fe province that is roughly 200 miles northwest of Buenos Aires, the Argentine capital, that honors the dictatorship’s victims.

Boetti and Echenique during an April 11 interview at a Rosario hotel said they are trying to raise funds that would allow them to digitize the archive and house it in a permanent location.

“We have this material that is fantastic,” said Boetti.

The Associated Press notes human rights groups estimate the dictatorship killed or forcibly disappeared upwards of 30,000 people in what became known as the “dirty war.” The dictatorship specifically targeted students, journalists, labor union leaders, and anyone else who it thought posed a threat.

The dictatorship first detained Echenique in 1979 when she was 16. She said it targeted her and other trans women because they were “not within that strict” binary of man and woman.  

“There was a dictator during the dictatorship, and he dictated this binarism, and there was no other way than man or woman,” Echenique told the Blade. “Everything else was penalized, deprived of all rights. They took away everything.”

Boetti was 15 when the dictatorship first detained her.

“They detained me because of my sexual orientation,” she told the Blade. “Homosexuality in those years was penalized under the law.”

Boetti said the law in 1982 — the year when she began her transition — penalized crossdressing, prostitution and vagrancy with up to 120 days in jail. Boetti told the Blade that authorities “constantly detained me” from 1982 until she left Argentina in the 1990s.

Echenique said the regime once detained her for six months.

“The way of living, of studying, of walking freely down the street, of living somewhere, of sitting down to eat something in a bar or how we are sitting today, for example, was unthinkable in those years,” she said.

Echenique left Argentina in 1988, three years after the dictatorship ended. She returned to the country in 2006.

“The dictatorship ended in ’83, but not for the trans community,” she said.

Rosario and Santa Fe, the provincial capital, in 2018 implemented a reparation policy for trans people who suffered persecution under the dictatorship. They remain the only cities in Argentina with such a program.

Boetti on May 17, 2018, during an International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia, and Transphobia ceremony over which then-Santa Fe Gov. Miguel Lifshitz presided became the first trans person in Argentina to receive reparations. Boetti receives a monthly pension of ARG 40,000 ($34.48) and a monthly stipend that pays for her health care.

Those who have received reparations successfully presented evidence to a judge that proved they suffered persecution and repression during the dictatorship. Boetti and Echenique pointed out that only 10 of the 50 trans women in Santa Fe who the dictatorship are known to have persecuted are still alive.

Post-dictatorship Argentina became global trans rights leader

Then-President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in 2012 signed Argentina’s landmark Gender Identity Law that, among other things, allows trans and nonbinary people to legally change their gender without medical intervention. The country in 2010 extended marriage rights to same-sex couples.

Then-President Alberto Fernández, who is unrelated to Cristina Fernández, in 2020 signed the Trans Labor Quota Law, which set aside at least 1 percent of public sector jobs for trans people. Fernández in 2021 issued a decree that allowed nonbinary Argentines to choose an “X” gender marker on their National Identity Document or DNI.

Alba Rueda, a trans woman and well-known activist, in 2022 became Argentina’s special envoy for LGBTQ+ and intersex rights.

President Javier Milei has implemented several anti-trans measures since he took office in December 2023. These include a decree that restricts minors’ access to gender-affirming surgeries and hormone treatment and the dismissal of trans people who the government hired under the Trans Labor Quota Law.

Milei closed the National Institute Against Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Racism, a government agency known by the acronym INADI that provided support and resources to people who suffered discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and other factors. He also eliminated Argentina’s Women, Gender, and Diversity Ministry under which Rueda worked until Fernández left office.

Gay Congressman Esteban Paulón, a long-time LGBTQ+ activist, in January filed a criminal complaint against Milei after he linked the LGBTQ+ community to pedophilia and made other homophobic and transphobic comments during a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. Paulón is among those who attended the 2018 ceremony during which Boetti received her reparations.

Echenique noted the restoration of democracy in Argentina did not end anti-trans discrimination and persecution in the country.

“We came from the period of the dictatorship, but we do not forget that everything didn’t end then,” she said. “The persecutions were worse than what we suffered during the period of the dictatorship once democracy returned.”

Boetti said she does not think Argentina will once again become a dictatorship under Milei.

“But unfortunately, there is a lot of harassment and a lot of hate speech,” said Boetti.

“There are now laws that protect us, but there is a fight for sure,” added Echenique. “I don’t think we’ll go back to how things were before, and that’s why I again emphasize the importance of archiving memory in this.”

Cuban lawmakers are reportedly poised to consider a proposal that would allow transgender people to legally change the gender marker on their ID documents without surgery.

Cubadebate, a government-run website, on May 11 referenced the proposal in an article about an International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia, and Transphobia march in Havana that the National Center for Sexual Education organized.

Mariela Castro, the daughter of former Cuban President Raúl Castro who spearheads LGBTQ issues on the island, is CENESEX’s director.

Cubadebate notes the National Assembly in July will consider an amendment to the country’s Civil Registry Law that “for the first time would allow citizens to determine the sex on their identification cards without the need for a court order or gender assignment surgery.”

Argentina, Uruguay, Germany, and Malta are among the countries that allow trans people to legally change their name and gender without surgery.

Cuba’s national health care system has offered free sex-reassignment surgery since 2008, but activists who are critical of Mariela Castro and CENESEX have said access to these procedures is limited. Mariela Castro, who is also a member of the National Assembly, in 2013 voted against a measure to add sexual orientation to Cuba’s labor code because it did not include gender identity.

The Cuban constitution bans discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, among other factors. Authorities routinely harass and detain activists who publicly criticize the government.

While global powers negotiate with Iran’s regime under Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to curb its advancing nuclear program, the oppressed LGBTQ+ community is building and operating a secret underground network to resist state-coerced sex reassignment surgeries. 

These surgeries, mandated for gay and lesbian people as a state-sanctioned alternative to execution for homosexuality, are part of Iran’s penal code that criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual relations. The network provides safe houses, forged identification documents, and covert communication channels to protect members from government raids and imprisonment.

Precise data on LGBTQ+ people prosecuted in Iran for resisting state-coerced sex reassignment surgeries over the past decade remains elusive, as the regime’s opaque judicial system obscures such cases under vague charges like “corruption on earth” or “sodomy.” NGOs, including 6Rang, report that thousands of gay and lesbian Iranians face pressure to undergo surgeries to avoid execution for same-sex conduct, with resistance often leading to arrests or harassment for violating gender norms.

Zahra Seddiqi Hamedani and Elham Choubdar, two prominent activists, in 2022 were sentenced to death for their social media advocacy, charged with “corruption” and “human trafficking,” though their convictions were overturned in 2023. Similarly, Rezvaneh Mohammadi in 2019 received a five-year sentence for promoting “homosexual relations,” a charge hinting at resistance to the regime’s heteronormative mandates.

Arsham Parsi in 2003 escalated his clandestine fight for Iran’s LGBTQ+ community by launching Voice Celebration, a secret Yahoo chat group where 50 queer Iranians, using aliases, exchanged coded messages to evade the regime’s surveillance. Operating like operatives in a shadow network, participants shared text messages about human rights and survival tactics, knowing a single breach could lead to torture or execution. Parsi, then 23, orchestrated the group’s encrypted communications, building a virtual lifeline that connected isolated individuals across the country until his cover was nearly blown, forcing a desperate escape in early 2005.

Parsi in an exchange with the Los Angeles Blade revealed a defiant undercurrent in Iran, a movement too elusive to be called traditional resistance yet pulsing with covert rebellion against the regime. 

The state’s relentless push to force gay men into coerced surgeries — marketed as a “solution” to their sexuality — seeks to erase their identities through enforced conformity. Parsi, steering the International Railroad for Queer Refugees, disclosed how queer Iranians fight back with clandestine measures: Underground education to counter state propaganda, discreet psychological support to fortify resilience, and encrypted networks to forge secret alliances. These efforts, veiled to evade regime detection, dismantle the state’s narrative with every hidden signal and guarded connection.

“We are working to create a true grassroots resistance by empowering people to understand their identity, seek safe alternatives, and reclaim their agency despite the oppressive context,” said Parsi. “The Iranian regime’s policies are built on denial of sexual orientation and a forced alignment with a binary gender model.” 

“Rather than recognizing gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals, the system pressures them — particularly gay men — to undergo irreversible surgeries in order to be legally tolerated,” he added. “This systemic violence creates deep psychological harm and compels many to resist, even quietly, to protect their truth. The lack of legal recognition and the threat of arrest, harassment, or blackmail fuels the underground defiance we see today. It’s not only resistance for survival — it’s a rejection of state-imposed identity suppression.”

IRQR, guided by Parsi, for nearly two decades has operated as a lifeline, orchestrating daring escapes and running a covert network for Iran’s hunted queer community. 

Parsi said his work relies on secret, encrypted channels — meticulously managed to avoid detection — to funnel at-risk individuals to safety, smuggle life-saving information, secure hidden safe houses, and deliver emotional support. Every operation faces threats not only from the regime’s security forces but also from Basij militia operatives who masquerade as queer individuals to infiltrate networks, heightening the peril for those marked by their identities.

Black-clad Basij militia members respond at the first signs of defiance; tearing through crowds on motorcycles with batons and guns at the ready, poised to crush any challenge to Iran’s regime. These paramilitary volunteers, bound by fierce loyalty to the Islamic Republic, serve as the state’s enforcers, their plainclothes operatives slipping into dissident networks to root out the defiant. 

The Basij fill queer Iranians with dread; their so-called morality patrols and digital traps stalking those who dare to exist outside the regime’s rigid norms.

“Their goal is not only to gather intelligence but to undermine, divide, and cancel the work of activists and organizations like ours,” said Parsi. “This divide-and-conquer strategy is designed to break solidarity and generate mistrust.” 

“We have seen numerous cases where trusted circles were compromised by these informants, and it has made our work — and survival — even more complex,” he further noted. “Despite this, we persist. Through our underground connections, we have helped thousands of queer Iranians seek safety, community, and ultimately, freedom.”

Parsi told the Blade that international support — through funding, advocacy, policy pressure, or amplifying his stories — can significantly strengthen his work to protect Iran’s persecuted queer community. He emphasized IRQR operates with limited resources, making global solidarity essential to improve outreach, enhance safety measures, and respond swiftly to those in need. Parsi underscored such support brings visibility to the crisis in Iran, reminding those at risk they are not forgotten while exerting pressure on a regime that thrives on silence and fear.

One of the things that Parsi’s underground network offers is online workshops that educate queer Iranians about how they can remain beyond the regime’s reach. 

He said these sessions, designed for safety and accessibility, encompass peer support, mental health education, digital security training, and guidance on refugee pathways. Parsi explained the workshops give vulnerable Iranians the tools to navigate persecution, defy state surveillance, and pursue escape, exposing the resilience of a community under relentless scrutiny.

“Due to the high risk of persecution in Iran, traditional protests are not feasible,” said Parsi. “Instead, acts of resistance take quieter forms — like anonymous storytelling which are just as powerful in building awareness and connection within the community. While discreet, these activities help create a sense of solidarity and empowerment among queer Iranians.”

Parsi, undeterred by Iran’s unyielding regime, asserted with measured confidence that while underground acts of defiance — living authentically, supporting one another, resisting forced medicalisation — may not shift policy overnight, they are already improving lives. He stressed these quiet rebellions that queer Iranians stage challenge the regime’s narrative of shame and invisibility, forging a resilient foundation for future change. Each act, Parsi emphasized, dismantles the regime’s grip, offering hope to those navigating a landscape of relentless oppression.

“At IRQR, we view each life saved, each network built, and each truth spoken as a small but powerful act of resistance,” said Parsi. “These are the seeds of future liberation. Over time, as they multiply and gain visibility — locally and internationally — they will help reshape the landscape for queer Iranians.”

ILGA Asia Executive Director Henry Koh said queer Iranians’ underground resistance is a powerful assertion of bodily autonomy and self-determination. He described it as a deeply courageous act in a regime where visibility invites immense personal risk, from arrest to execution. 

When asked by the Blade if the Iranian regime’s punitive measures against openly queer people fuel underground resistance, Koh responded unequivocally. 

“Absolutely,” he said. “The climate of criminalization and repression leaves little safe space for queer people to live openly. This forces many into secrecy or underground networks as a means of survival, resistance, and mutual support. Such conditions are not only unjust but also profoundly harmful to the well-being of LGBTIQ+ individuals.”

“It is important to distinguish between affirming gender-affirming care and any form of coercive medical intervention,” he added. “When states or authorities mandate medical procedures as a condition for recognition or safety, it constitutes a grave violation of human rights. Gender identity is deeply personal, and no institution should override an individual’s self-defined identity.”

The Chilean Chamber of Deputies on May 15 approved a report that recommends the immediate suspension of a program that provides psychosocial support to transgender and gender non-conforming children and adolescents and their parents.

The 56-31 vote in favor of the Investigation Commission No. 57’s recommendations for the Gender Identity Support Program sparked outrage among activists in Chile and around the world. Six lawmakers abstained.

The report proposes the Health Ministry issue a resolution against puberty blockers, cross-hormonalization, and other hormonal treatments for minors, regardless of whether they have been diagnosed with gender dysphoria. The report also suggests Chilean educational institutions should not respect trans students’ chosen names.

The report, among other recommendations, calls for a review of the background of all minors who are currently receiving hormone treatments. The report also calls for the reformulation of hormone therapy guidelines and sending this background information to the comptroller general.

Report ‘sets an ominous precedent’

Frente Amplio Congresswoman Emilia Schneider, the first trans woman elected to the Chilean Congress and a member of the commission, sharply criticized her colleagues who voted for the report.

“Today in the Chamber of Deputies the report of hatred against trans people was approved; a report that seeks to roll back programs so relevant for children, for youth, such as the Gender Identity Support Program; a program that, in addition, comes from the government of (the late-President) Sebastián Piñera,” Schneider told the Los Angeles Blade. ”This is unacceptable because the right-wing yields to the pressures of the ultra-right and leaves the trans community in a very complex position.”

Schneider noted “this report is not binding; that is, its recommendations do not necessarily have to be taken into account, but it sets an ominous precedent.” 

“We are going backwards on such basic issues as the recognition of the social name of trans students in educational establishments,” she said.

Ignacia Oyarzún, president of Organizing Trans Diversities, a Chilean trans rights group, echoed Schneider’s criticisms. commented to the Blade. 

“We regret today’s shameful action in the Chamber of Deputies, where the CEI-57 report issued by the Republican Party was approved in a context of lies, misinformation and misrepresentation of reality,” Oyarzún told the Blade. “This only promotes the regression of public policies and conquered rights that have managed to save the lives of thousands of children in the last time.” 

Oyarzún added the “slogan ‘children first’ proves to be an empty phrase without content used by those who today promote measures that push to suicide a significant number of children for the fact of being trans.”

The Movement for Homosexual Integration and Liberation, a Chilean LGBTQ+ rights group known by the acronym Movilh also condemned the approval of the report, calling it “transphobic” and accusing the commission of omitting the opinions of organizations and families that support the current policies. 

Movilh notes lawmakers approved both the Gender Identity Law and Circular 812, which promotes respect for trans students’ rights, within the framework of an agreement with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

“The text of the approved report is scandalous, because it seeks to take away the access to health to trans minors, including denying them the psychosocial accompaniment that also includes their respective families,” said María José Cumplido, executive director of Fundación Iguales, another Chilean LGBTQ+ advocacy group. “Likewise, it attempts against school inclusion, since it intends to eliminate something as essential as the use of the social name in educational spaces. In short, it takes away rights and freedoms to trans people, especially to minors.”

Cumplido, like Schneider, pointed out that “although its content is not binding, we will be alert to the political and legislative consequences that it may produce and we will continue working to avoid setbacks with respect to the rights of trans people.”

The report’s approval reflects a global trend that has seen neighboring Argentina, the U.S., and other countries reserve policies for trans and nonbinary young people. The Peruvian Health Ministry recently classified gender identity as a mental illness, and lawmakers have passed a law that prevents trans people from using public restrooms based on their identity.

Experts and human rights activists warn the suspension of Chile’s Gender Identity Support Program and other programs could adversely impact the mental health of trans and nonbinary children who already face high levels of discrimination and are at heightened risk to die by suicide.

“We will defend the Gender Identity Support Program and the right to exist of trans children and youth across the country,” said Schneider. “I want to reassure the trans families of our country that we will not rest until our rights are respected and that we can continue advancing because there is still much to be conquered.”

El 17 de mayo se conmemora a nivel mundial el Día Internacional contra la Homofobia, Transfobia y Bifobia, recordando la eliminación de la homosexualidad como enfermedad mental por parte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud en 1990. Sin embargo, esta fecha también se ha convertido en un espacio de denuncia ante la violencia estructural e institucional que sigue afectando a la población LGBTQ+ en muchos países, incluido El Salvador.

Este año, la marcha conmemorativa del 17 de mayo en San Salvador fue más reducida que en ocasiones anteriores. Decenas de personas se reunieron para alzar su voz a pesar del temor creciente entre quienes integran la diversidad sexual y de género. 

Las amenazas no son nuevas, pero sí más frecuentes en el contexto actual. 

Activistas, colectivas y organizaciones de derechos humanos denuncian que el gobierno de Nayib Bukele ha profundizado un discurso y una práctica anti-derechos. Para muchas de estas personas, la visibilidad se ha vuelto sinónimo de riesgo.

Desde la Asociación ASPIDH, Valeria Mejía, coordinadora de monitoreo y evaluación, expresó que “a inicios de 2025, el presidente Nayib Bukele y su gobierno oficializaron una postura anti-derechos, profundizando las amenazas estructurales contra los derechos humanos en El Salvador”. Alegan que esto ha generado retrocesos concretos para la comunidad LGBTQ+.

Mónica Hernández, directora ejecutiva de ASPIDH, ha sido enfática en sus declaraciones. 

“Se está silenciando a las organizaciones defensoras de derechos humanos a través de amenazas o restricciones legales”, afirmó. Y exigió al gobierno restituir los mecanismos que protegían a la población diversa.

Una de las luchas históricas aún sin respuesta es la aprobación de una ley de identidad de género. Actualmente, las personas trans no pueden modificar su nombre y género en sus documentos legales, lo que las expone a tratos humillantes en hospitales, centros educativos, juzgados y otras instituciones públicas.

La falta de una legislación que apoye a las personas trans sobre su identidad de género sigue siendo una afectación, por lo que sufren discriminación institucionalizada, en hospitales, centros educativos, juzgados, entre otros, donde suelen enfrentar trato discriminatorio o negación de servicios por no coincidir su identidad de género con sus documentos legales, mencionó una vocera de la Mesa por Una Ley de Identidad.

En la marcha de este año, las calles no se llenaron como en otras ocasiones. El miedo a la criminalización fue evidente. 

“Los agentes del CAM me dijeron que con este régimen me podían acusar de ser pandillera solo por ser trans y andar tatuada”, declaró una participante, temblorosa, al Los Angeles Blade.

A pesar del temor, hubo presencia. Algunas organizaciones de base y colectivos de clase trabajadora mostraron su solidaridad. Entre ellas, el Movimiento por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos de la Clase Trabajadora, quienes acompañan el caso de Carolina Escobar, una mujer trans despedida injustamente del ISDEMU.

Escobar también estuvo en la marcha. 

“Hay que permanecer unidas las minorías, yo estoy acá a pesar de que he sufrido persecución por parte de la Policía Nacional Civil, por dar seguimiento a los casos de despidos injustificados del ISDEMU”, comentó.

La analista política y activista Bessy Ríos de la organización De La Mano Contigo no se mostró optimista con el panorama. 

“Hay que prepararse para el peor de los escenarios y crear redes de apoyo entre nosotros”, recalcó durante la jornada conmemorativa.

La colectiva feminista también acompañó la marcha y compartió con otros colectivos mensajes de unidad. 

“En tiempos difíciles, es cuando debemos unirnos más”, dijo una joven activista con una pañoleta verde en su rostro.

La represión no solo se percibe en las calles. Desde hace meses, muchas organizaciones LGBTQ+ han denunciado bloqueos al financiamiento internacional que sostenía proyectos de apoyo, atención psicológica y asesoría legal. Sin esos fondos, la lucha se vuelve más cuesta arriba.

Además, la anunciada Ley de Agentes Extranjeros —todavía en discusión— amenaza con imponer un impuesto del 30 por ciento a las donaciones provenientes del extranjero. Esto pondría en jaque a decenas de ONG que trabajan directamente con poblaciones vulnerables, incluida la diversidad sexual.

La consigna en esta fecha ha sido clara: la lucha no se detiene. Incluso con menos recursos y bajo amenazas, quienes se organizaron para conmemorar el 17 de mayo lo hicieron con la firme convicción de que los derechos humanos no se negocian.

Desde las pancartas hasta las intervenciones públicas, el mensaje fue contundente: el Estado salvadoreño debe cesar toda forma de discriminación hacia las personas LGBTQ+ y garantizar políticas inclusivas que aseguren su acceso a la salud, la educación, la justicia y el empleo.

En cada paso, se entretejía el recuerdo de quienes ya no están, y el deseo ferviente de un futuro distinto. 

“Marchamos por quienes no pudieron llegar hoy, por quienes tienen miedo, por quienes ya no están. Seguiremos exigiendo respeto y dignidad”, expresó una activista.

Pope Leo XIV’s election has sparked global reactions, but his appointment has struck a deeper chord in Peru.

The now-pontiff served for years as bishop of Chiclayo, a city in northern Peru. For LGBTQ+ leaders and activists in the country, Leo represents a figure who, while unlikely to overhaul church doctrine, could signal a shift towards a less hostile and more open Catholic Church.

“The fact that the new pope lived and served pastorally in Peru is no small thing,” said George Hale, director of Promsex, an advocacy group that is based in Lima, the Peruvian capital. “Leo XIV is deeply familiar with inequality, abuses of power, popular religiosity, and the pain of a society scarred by classism and exclusion. His support for victims of the Sodalitium scandal showed a courageous figure willing to listen when others remained silent.”

The Sodalitium of Christian Life, a Peruvian Catholic lay group implicated in cases of sexual and psychological abuse against minors, became one of the church’s worst scandals in Latin America. Leo’s direct involvement in sanctioning those responsible — and his central role in the group’s eventual dissolution — was widely viewed as a sign of his commitment to reform from within.

Former Congressman Alberto de Belaunde, one of Peru’s few openly gay political figures, also welcomed Leo’s election, describing his trajectory as “good news within the Vatican.” De Belaunde emphasized Leo’s time at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, where he served on the university’s assembly as the church’s representative.

“Unlike other pontifical universities, the PUCP is progressive and diverse,” De Belaunde said. “Monsignor Prevost always demonstrated a remarkable ability to dialogue and showed respect for differing views. That speaks volumes about both his intellectual and pastoral approach.”

The question still remains: How much could the church change under Leo’s papacy when it comes to LGBTQ+ rights?

“Sometimes, even just a change in tone makes a difference,” De Belaunde noted. “I grew up under the influence of Pope John Paul II and Bishop Cipriani, both known for confrontational rhetoric. When the pope says things like ‘Who am I to judge?’ — it doesn’t change doctrine, but it humanizes the discourse. And that matters.”

De Belaunde specifically referred to Pope Francis’s 2013 comments about gay priests. (The Vatican’s tone on LGBTQ+ and intersex issues softened under Francis’s papacy, even though church teachings on homosexuality did not change.)

“There are very conservative factions within the church, outright enemies of our rights,” said Congresswoman Susel Paredes, who is a lesbian. “But there’s also space for love of neighbor, as Jesus taught. Even if Pope Leo XIV were to chart a path toward full inclusion of LGBTQ people, resistance would remain. These things don’t change overnight.”

Paredes also highlighted Francis’s legacy — especially his vision of a synodal church. The Argentine-born pontiff who died on April 21 was Leo’s direct mentor.

“Pope Francis spoke of a church where ‘everyone, everyone, everyone’ walks together without distinction,” she said. “Leo XIV was already part of that vision when he worked in some of Peru’s poorest areas. That gives us hope and reason to watch his papacy with expectation.”

Activists, however, are clear-eyed about the limits of symbolic change.

“He (Leo) doesn’t appear to be a hostile figure,” Hale said. “But he’s not pushing for radical reform either. He won’t lead the fight for same-sex marriage or trans rights. But his more humane tone — his closeness to those on the margins — can help de-escalate hate speech, especially in a country like ours.”

Hale also pointed to a recent gesture from the new Leo that raised concerns: His public support for the Peruvian bishops’ statement opposing a court ruling that granted Ana Estrada, a woman with a degenerative disease, the right to die with dignity through euthanasia.

“By endorsing that statement, he reaffirmed official doctrine. And while he may be compassionate, he’s still aligned with traditional positions on some key issues,” Hale said. “That’s why we insist: We’re not expecting a revolution, but a shift in tone matters.”

Peru does not recognize same-sex marriages, and transgender people lack legal protections. Expectations about Leo’s papacy remain measured because church rhetoric remains a roadblock to civil rights.

“Rights are granted by laws, and the separation of church and state must remain fundamental,” said Paredes. “That’s where progress happens, in secular legislation.”

“Yes — it’s a breath of fresh air to have a pope who doesn’t slam the door shut, who has walked with Peru’s most excluded,” she added. “That gives us encouragement to keep going.”

Former Uruguayan President José “Pepe” Mujica died on Tuesday. He was 89.

Mujica, a farmer, was a member of Tupamaros National Liberation Movement, a leftist guerrilla group that carried out bank robberies and bombings and kidnapped politicians and businessmen in the South American country during the 1960s and 1970s.

Mujica spent nearly 15 years in prison. The right-wing military dictatorship that governed Uruguay from 1973-1985 tortured him and held him in solitary confinement for a decade.

Mujica in 1989 joined the Movement of Popular Participation, a party that is part of the Broad Front, a leftist political coalition. Mujica was Uruguay’s president from 2010-2015.

Laws that extended marriage rights to same-sex couples and legalized abortion took effect in 2013 and 2012 respectively. Mujica in 2013 also signed a law that legalized recreational marijuana in Uruguay.

Mujica earlier this year announced he would not undergo further treatment for esophagus cancer that had spread to his liver. The AP notes he died in his small house outside of Montevideo, the Uruguayan capital.

“With profound pain we announced that our friend Pepe Mujica has died,” said Uruguayan President Yamandú Orsi, who currently leads the Broad Front, on X. “President, activist, guide, and leader. We are going to miss you very much, dear old man. Thank you for everything that you gave us and for your profound love for your people.”

Esteban Paulón, a gay congressman in neighboring Argentina, celebrated Mujica as a “guide” for “Latin American progressivism.”

“He made humility, honesty and austerity his hallmarks,” said Paulón on social media.