DUBLIN, Calif. – Former Dublin City councilman Shawn Kumagai has championed providing transit-oriented affordable housing for seniors and low-income residents and was instrumental in assisting the city’s small businesses weather the impact of the coronavirus pandemic.
The openly gay first-generation U.S. born Asian American Pacific Islander, a third-generation military veteran, and 2022 state assembly candidate, saw his adept management of Dublin’s municipal budget earning the city the highest possible credit rating.
Prior to politics, Kumagai entered the Navy under “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” and worked his way up the ranks reaching E-9, a Navy Master Chief, in a career that between active duty and the active Naval Reserve has spanned 21 years. He was the only AAPI candidate in his 2022 State Assembly race, and was Dublin’s only openly Out council member.
Kumagai, 45, started his early childhood in the San Francisco Bay area. Kumagai and his siblings were raised primarily by their mother in Phoenix, Arizona, after his parents’ divorce when he was ten.
“I was being raised by a single mom,” Kumagai recounted. “My grandfather would come over every day to help us out and to bring groceries and make us lunch and get us after school while my mom went back to school and worked full time to get her career on track. She ended up joining the army as a nurse and then had a great career that she started later in life, finishing up as a psych nurse at the veterans at the VA facility in San Francisco.”
Kumagai feels inspired by his mother’s resilience and what she was able to accomplish through her tireless hard work. He also knows that government aid was essential to her being able to achieve her goals and provide for her family.
“We lived on government assistance,” said Kumagai. “We had food stamps and welfare payments. It was through that help, that kind of hand-up, that my mom was able to be successful. So that also informed my thinking about the role of government in people’s lives.”
“If it had not been for that educational assistance that she had with her tuition being offset by her service in the military, and if she had not had those food stamps, and if she had not had the welfare, I don’t think we would have had the opportunities that we had in life. This is true for both my siblings and me, but especially for my mom. So the role of government can really be a force for positive change and provide access to opportunity.”
Kumagai’s experience growing up as bi-racial also played an important role in making him the Councilman he is today.
“Growing up as a person of mixed identities shaped me. I mean this, of course, with my sexual orientation and also with my racial identity. Because I am half Japanese, growing up, it felt like having one foot in two cultures. That makes for an interesting experience.”
“My dad is a first-generation immigrant from Japan, and during that time in the 80s, I think it was similar to what we are seeing now today with anti-AAPI sentiment. It was a time when the American economy was not doing well, but the Japanese economy was doing really well. The global economy was in turmoil, and a lot of people I felt during my childhood blamed Japan and Japanese people. I felt that stigma associated with coming from a Japanese family.”
“Also, on the flip side, being half-white comes with challenges. I was a part of the Japanese culture, but I was not fully part of the Japanese culture, so I have always had that understanding of what it’s like to be ‘othered.'”
While Kumagai is proudly out now, he did not always feel comfortable being overt in his sexuality.
“I grew up part of my childhood in San Francisco during the 80s. Mom did have gay friends, but even then, I didn’t feel comfortable coming out to my family even though I knew inside of me that I was probably gay and even though I knew that my mom probably would have accepted me. It was a really interesting and unique time because there was a lot of stigma around the AIDS crisis. That stigma created this shaming of the gay community, particularly gay men, and there was this whole pullback in society blaming gay men for this pandemic and accusing them and their sexual practices for what was happening. As a young gay man, I felt that shame.”
When asked about his coming out journey and why he has chosen to be an openly out politician, Kumagai responded that this was a very important question as he associates his coming out directly with his ability to lead.
“When I look back on my trajectory, coming out and having that support system allowing me to be true to who I was, really flipped the switch in me from allowing me to truly excel and being able to do good work and me holding back and not being able to do that.”
“At a young age, I started to come out to my closest friends. I feel extremely privileged that I had the support that I did. When I eventually told my mom, I think I was 17 at the time, a junior in high school. She said, ‘Why didn’t you tell me sooner? You had all these gay uncles, and you could have had such great role models for you to talk to.’ I said, ‘Well, I don’t know, I don’t know. But I one hundred percent knew that I just wasn’t ready.’ But she was very supportive, and so was my father. As a Japanese man, as I think happens in many Asian cultures, it tends to be a little bit more conservative, but he was completely excepting. I had my support at home, but then I joined the military.”
“Service,” Kumagai told journalist Karen Ocamb last Fall, “is in my DNA. My grandfather served in World War Two in the Army Air Corps. My mom was in the Army Nurse Corps for ten years. And her brother, my uncle was an Air Force Academy grad and flew fighter jets. And I went off and joined the Navy.”
Witch Hunts in the Navy
“I was already a 100% out gay man,” says Kumagai of himself back in 2001 when he decided to join the military.
2001 was the height of a military policy called “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell,” a largely anti-LGBTQ policy presented under the guise of helping the queer community escape prejudice. As Kumagai quickly discovered, the policy did the exact opposite of its claimed intention.
“I was working at a bar slash cabaret in Phoenix, Arizona as a bartender and a cocktail waiter. They had weekly drag shows, and it was a very well-known LGBTQ restaurant. Back in the 90s, there weren’t too many places like that for people to go, but that was my life when I joined the military.”
“I talked to my mom, who was serving in the army at the time, and I said, ‘You know, maybe I want to go into the military. Tell me about this, ‘Don’t Ask Don’t Tell.” She said, ‘Well, they can’t ask you if you are gay, and as long as you don’t tell them, you are OK.”
“The ironic thing is, at the time, I viewed that as protection,” explained Kumagai, “Because I knew individuals who served prior to the implementation of ‘Don’t Ask Don’t Tell,’ and it was really bad back then. You always had to be careful because there were these witch hunts where the military police would go into gay establishments to seek out people who looked like they were in the military. They would then demand to see their IDs, drag them back to base, and then promptly process them for discharge. So, when I heard those horror stories from the 70s and early on, I thought that ‘Don’t Ask Don’t Tell sounded much better than that. I thought I could just be quiet and do my service. I was going to go ahead and serve my time and get little benefits and go back to college. That was my plan.”
“But what I didn’t realize was when I joined in 2001, I was going in at the height of discharges under ‘Don’t Ask Don’t Tell,’ because even though they weren’t supposed to ask, a lot of people were voluntarily telling because they couldn’t stand serving in silence. Also, there was still a lot of witch hunting and targeting of particular individuals. That didn’t stop.”
“A lot of times, people’s sexualities would come out through second or third-hand information. A lot of times, people were even guilty by association.”
“I served with one person in particular who found out he was gay because they found chat logs and with another individual who was being investigated for another matter when it kind of came out incidentally. A lot of people I served alongside, particularly in language training at the language institute, were gay and processed out for being lesbian or gay back in 2001, 2002.”
This constant and often clandestine prosecuting of members of the LGBTQ+ community under “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell,” made Kumagai fear for his own place in the military.
“It was shocking to me to see. It also made me feel the need for self-preservation. If you got overly involved or got associated with those people, you know, we did have a little gay crew in the military, but there was always this fear that we would become guilty by association and that we would then lose our careers. It was this very insidious fear causing us to serve in silence.”
In addition to the witch hunts, Kumagai became aware of another major injustice against the queer community in the military: that of being unable to claim benefits for same-sex partners.
“What really made me realize how unfair and discriminatory the policy was, was to see so many of my siblings in service faced discrimination when it came to the benefits that they received for their significant others. For example, because there was no same-sex marriage at the time, if you were deployed, then your significant other was invisible. If you were going to go to a place where only a legally married spouse was able to go with you, or you were entitled to receive the benefits of you taking those orders in the military, your same-sex significant other was completely left out. There was no support system for those couples. That made me realize that there was just no way for people to serve under ‘Don’t ask. Don’t Tell’ in a way that was equal.”
The ‘Don’t Ask Don’t Tell’ policy was annulled in 2011, making way for more members of the queer community to serve and receive benefits that are equal to their heterosexual peers.
A Call to Action
When asked what led Kumagai to politics, he admitted that the decision was not made lightly.
“When I served in the military under ‘Don’t Ask Don’t Tell,’ I never thought that I would be able to serve in any position of higher leadership because of the scrutiny that it would bring to me. I had this fear that I would be outed and that that would not only end my career but also bring shame to my comrades in arms.”
However, once the policy ended, Kumagai had the space he needed to reconsider his stance on being an out politician – an aspect of himself he now finds vital to his entire message.
“I think that those of us who can lead by example absolutely must,” said Kumagai. “I don’t ever say that every single person must come out and be a certain way, but certainly those who are running as candidates, they are a voice for people who may not be able to have a voice at any given moment, it’s the same for I think the LGBTQ community as for the AAPI community. We must have people in positions of power as role models for other future leaders.”
When asked what he feels is the best course of action to eradicate hate and prejudice, the Councilman paused before responding.
“It’s a tough question,” admitted Kumagai. “How do we solve this age-old problem? I think we need to continue to create awareness about the diversity of our cultures. We really need to push back on these kinds of stereotypes and tropes as well.”
“I think nothing happens without intention in this arena, we have to keep our eye on the ball. We have to continue to do this work and move in a progressive direction and that’s why I’m so thankful for people like Senator Wiener and for people who are doing the work in Sacramento, There are so many areas in our systems that need to still be fixed to allow people to live out their full potential.”
In addition to leading by example as a queer leader, Kumagai recognized a need to push for AAPI leadership and representation.
“During my time on the city council, we saw a spike in AAPI hate. I really started to realize that I had a duty and responsibility as someone from these different identity groups to be a voice for those people who often do not have voices in this process to speak up and to do work on these important issues. I started to get more involved with different identity-based political and government work organizations to try to do that work.”
“When it comes to the AAPI side of things, I think we still have a lot of work to do in that space. We are underrepresented even in California, where I think we do have relatively more representation compared to the rest of the country. But there are systems and pipelines put in place that stopAAPI people from moving into positions of power. There is this kind of model minority mask that is put on people. Oftentimes AAPI leaders are expected to step aside. There is always an excuse for why any given AAPI individual should not run in any particular race. We are told, ‘this is a Latino seat, or this is a Black seat, or this is a labor seat, or this is…’ whatever it is. The API candidate, for whatever reason, seems to be pushed out of the systems of power. It’s almost like it’s OK to push an AAPI individual out of a given race or out of a position. We have a lot of work to do to create support systems that allow for AAPI leaders to ascend into positions of power.”
While there is still a lot of work to be done, Kumagai did share his optimism when looking at the new generation of young leaders.
“I feel very hopeful, particularly about the younger generation, which seems to have a deeper understanding of what a diverse culture and what a pluralistic culture looks like. When it comes to LGBTQ issues, they are much more enlightened than even I was at their age. In terms of sexual orientation and gender identity, it is truly this beautiful rainbow where we have so many different experiences and identities. I am still learning every single day about that, but I’m hopeful that the younger generation is going to be able to help us continue to move in a positive direction.”
Just last year, Kumagai conceded to straight labor candidate Liz Ortega in the race for a state Assembly seat noting he was still glad he ran.
“The primaries were an amazing experience,” said Kumagai. “You never know what the dynamics of a race are going to be when you get in, but certainly we knew that I was the underdog, and in this race because we were going up against the labor and democratic machine, that was geared towards a certain type of candidate.”
“But I truly felt that because there was no other AAPI person getting in the race that it was important that this district, which has a plurality of AAPI people, have that option on the ballot. I didn’t know how far the campaign would go, and I was proud of the coalition that we put together and that we were able to get through the primary and go on to the general election. But, you know, we fell short in making the case to people.”
When asked what went wrong in the election, Kumagai felt that constituents were generally uninvolved, leading him to lose out on important votes.
“I think a lot of people were disengaged with the process. We had about a 50 percent turn out. A lot of folks were just not really paying attention. That is unfortunate, but that is kind of how things go in our democracy sometimes. I absolutely learned so much from that experience. There are also always other opportunities on the horizon. I know that I will find other ways to continue to serve.”
Flying the Flag
In 2019, Kumagai stirred up controversy when he sought to represent his queer community in Dublin.
“In 2019, I asked my colleagues to declare two things. The first was to declare LGBTQ plus pride month in the city of Dublin. The second was to raise the pride flag.”
“Unfortunately, there were members of the public team who made some very inflammatory remarks. These are the tropes we have seen forever, trying to associate the LGBTQ+ community with pedophilia and bringing in religious talking points. The sad thing is, those comments got inflated with the fact that my colleagues were largely afraid of issues around first amendment rights and the constitutionality of flying a flag and whether or not that would open up a can of worms or Pandora’s box of having to fly other flags. All of that got inflated, and it blew up in national news.”
“I think what was most surprising for people was that many think of the San Francisco Bay area as this monolith of progressivism and that everywhere there should be forward thinking and accepting. But what this incident peeled back was that there is still this underbelly of racism and of anti-LGBTQ sentiment. All of this still exists in the Bay Area within California.”
“Luckily, this is not the majority opinion. We got there. We came back, and we unanimously passed the raising of the pride flag for the entire month of June, which was more than I originally asked. We then went on to do that every year during my time on Council.”
“You know, raising the flag was commonplace in places like San Francisco and Oakland and Berkeley, but in broader suburbia, it wasn’t. That whole kerfuffle brought this rainbow wave throughout the east bay and outer east bay and even into the central valley. I have people write to me who say, ‘We want to do that too.’ and, ‘How do we advocate for this in our community?’
“By the time we got to raise the flag, I think, the third year, pretty much every city in Alameda county was doing it, including every city in the Tri-Valley region, where Dublin is centered and which tends to be a little bit more of a purple area of the Bay Area. I was proud that it had this ripple effect that created awareness and moved people in that direction.”
Nancy Pelosi reflects on her long career & LGBTQ advocacy
In an exclusive interview the former House Speaker credits activists who fought for AIDS funding & marriage equality
WASHINGTON – Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) sat down with the Washington Blade in her office Tuesday evening for an exclusive interview just weeks after formally stepping down from leadership, having led her party in the House for 20 years, including as Speaker.
Pelosi reflected on the role she has played in landmark legislative achievements, including milestones in the fight for LGBTQ rights. She also addressed some current events that have earned significant attention from political observers and the beltway press.
So much of the historic progress over the past few decades in advancements toward the legal, social, and political equality of LGBTQ Americans, including those living with HIV/AIDS, was facilitated directly or otherwise supported by Pelosi’s leadership in Congress, but she was quick to credit the tireless work of individual activists and LGBTQ, civil rights, and HIV/AIDS advocacy groups.
“I attribute the success with [fighting] HIV/AIDS and everything that came after,” from legislation on hate crimes to marriage equality, “to the outside mobilization” of these activists and organizations, she told the Blade.
Despite positioning herself as an advocate for LGBTQ rights well before that position was popular, Pelosi said she is unaware of any instances where she may have suffered political consequences as a result. Regardless, she said, “I don’t care.”
The more she has been criticized for championing LGBTQ rights in Congress, “the more proud I am” of that work, Pelosi added.
Pelosi has always been a strident LGBTQ ally, guided by her commitment to justice, love, and fairness as ordained by the teachings of her Catholic faith. These ideals are in perfect alignment, she said, as opposed to the position held by many opponents of LGBTQ rights who nevertheless claim to believe we are all created in God’s image.
During an interview with Larry King, when serving as the San Francisco Democratic National Convention host committee chairwoman in 1984, Pelosi said the late television host remarked: “I just don’t understand how a Catholic girl who grew up in Baltimore, Maryland is such a champion for gay rights.”
“You’ve answered your own question,” Pelosi told him, referring to his mention of her Catholicism. “It is our faith that tells us that we’re all God’s children, and we must respect the dignity and worth of every person.”
Pelosi’s time in Congress began with the AIDS crisis, and she has kept up the fight ever since
After committing herself and the Congress to the fight against HIV/AIDS during her first speech from the floor of the House in 1987, Pelosi said some of her colleagues asked whether she thought it wise for her feelings on the subject to be “the first thing that people know about you” as a newly elected member.
They questioned her decision not because they harbored any stigma, but rather for concern over how “others might view my service here,” Pelosi said. The battle against HIV/AIDS, she told them, “is why I came here.”
“It was every single day,” she said.
Alongside the “big money for research, treatment, and prevention” were other significant legislative accomplishments, such as “when we] were able to get Medicaid to treat HIV [patients] as Medicaid-eligible” rather than requiring them to wait until their disease had progressed to full-blown AIDS to qualify for coverage, said Pelosi, who authored the legislation.
“That was a very big deal for two reasons,” she said. First, because it saved lives by allowing low-income Americans living with HIV to begin treatment before the condition becomes life-threatening, and second, because “it was the recognition that we had this responsibility to intervene early.”
Other milestones in which Pelosi had a hand include the Housing Opportunities for People with AIDS program, President Bush’s PEPFAR (President’s Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief) initiative, the Affordable Care Act (which contains significant benefits for Americans living with HIV/AIDS), and funding for the Ending the Epidemic initiative.
The last appropriations bill passed under Pelosi’s tenure as Democratic leader in December contained an additional $100 million boost to HIV/AIDS programs.
These and other hard-won victories over the years – from the biomedical progress made possible by investment in research to foreign aid packages that have saved countless lives overseas – have often come despite staunch opposition from lawmakers, particularly congressional Republicans.
For instance, the late former Sen. Jesse Helms of North Carolina opposed federal funding for HIV/AIDS research because he considered it tantamount to the government’s endorsement of “the homosexual lifestyle” responsible for the spread of the disease in the U.S.
Asked how she might compare anti-LGBTQ members like Helms with whom she worked in the past to those serving today, Pelosi said the most salient difference is the homophobic and transphobic attitudes among lawmakers in previous decades were in many cases borne out of ignorance.
Pelosi said that while the prejudice was “horrible [back] then” and she was “impatient” with lawmakers in the House who exhibited attitudes similar to those expressed by Helms, at that time people who held those views were often “just not up to date on what was happening in the world.”
(Pelosi noted that, for his part, Helms seemed to soften his stance on matters concerning HIV/AIDS. She suspects U2 frontman Bono may have successfully appealed to Helms as a parent, but “I don’t know exactly.”)
By contrast, today’s lawmakers, like the overwhelming majority of Americans, “must have a growing awareness of [LGBTQ] people in their own communities, maybe in their own families,” Pelosi said. “They’re really in a different world,” which means, they “have made a decision that they’re going to be anti-LGBTQ,” she said, adding that hate and prejudice today is most often directed at the trans community. “It’s completely unacceptable.”
Asked to share her thoughts on the many scandals that have unfolded over the past couple of months concerning gay freshman GOP Rep. George Santos of New York, Pelosi pointed out that while the congressman has dominated headlines recently, other members of the House Republican caucus who have weaponized homophobia and transphobia to a far greater extent than he are much more dangerous.
But first, Pelosi said that House Democrats would never do what the Republican leadership has done by tolerating the embattled freshman congressman to protect their slim majority control of the chamber.
Santos is “almost a joke; he’s become a punch line,” Pelosi said. “He’s outrageous, and there’s no way he should be allowed to serve” given the extent to which the congressman has failed to exhibit the “dignity” required of members who are privileged to serve in the House of Representatives.
At the same time, “there are people over there who are more seriously dangerous to the freedoms in our country than him” Pelosi said. She pointed to the hate mongering and fear mongering in which many of Santos’s Republican colleagues have engaged, including “the things that that they say about trans families and, just, the injustice of it all.”
The aim of these far-right lawmakers extends far beyond undermining the rights of LGBTQ people, of course. Pelosi noted that, “you have to remember, with all of these things, whether we’re talking about women’s right to choose – we’ve always expanded freedoms. And now with this Supreme Court, they’re narrowing freedoms with women’s right to choose” by the revocation of constitutional protections for abortion via last year’s ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization.
Breaking the ‘marble ceiling’
During a lecture last year hosted at the University of California, Berkeley, Barbara Boxer, who formerly represented California in the House and then in the Senate, commented on the historic significance of Pelosi’s election to become the first woman Speaker of the House of Representatives in 2006. “The fact that a woman could get into the leadership like this, to win the trust of all these men, it’s more extraordinary than you can imagine,” Boxer said.
Boxer has also been a trailblazer for women in politics. She was the first woman to chair the Marin County Board of Supervisors, and after her election to serve in the upper chamber alongside California’s senior Sen. Dianne Feinstein, the two became the first pair of women to represent any state in the U.S. Senate.
Asked how she managed to secure the votes from, particularly, the older men in her caucus without compromising her values, Pelosi told the Blade, “I just did what I believed” rather than coming to Congress to “change other people’s behavior.”
She said that many of her male colleagues “had to get over their own negative attitudes” concerning the prospect of electing a woman to lead their party in the House, but “I wasn’t going to wait until then.”
At the same time, Pelosi acknowledged that “it took courage to vote for a woman as speaker,” noting that when she was sworn in back in 2007, she took the opportunity to thank the men who had supported her speakership. (She was elected unanimously on the first ballot.)
Pelosi said that prior to her speakership, she had always believed that the prospect of Americans electing a woman president was likelier to happen in her lifetime than members of Congress – who tend to be older men – voting for a woman speaker.
“I thought the American people were more ready than the Congress” to break the “marble ceiling,” she said.
Considering the parallel special counsel investigations into alleged mishandling of classified documents by President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump, Pelosi has perhaps unwittingly strengthened the case for America to elect a woman president by virtue of her unblemished record as a steward of sensitive, top-secret information.
“I have 30 years of experience in intelligence. I have been on the [House Intelligence] Committee, the top Democrat on the Committee, ex officio on the Committee, a speaker and [Democratic] leader [in the House],” Pelosi said.
She distinguished the rules by which she and other members of Congress are governed, which prohibit the removal or relocation of classified documents, from the policies that the Commander in Chief must follow, which are comparably more permissive.
Regardless, Pelosi said, “the documents are to be respected,” along with the rules and procedures for how they should be handled.
There are also important distinctions to note between the allegations against Trump and Biden, Pelosi said. “When you see the former president obstructing access to the documents, and you see this president saying, ‘I’ve instructed my lawyers to look for whatever is there and make them available to the Justice Department,’ that’s two different things,” she said.
Additionally, Pelosi said, from the information that has been made available so far, it seems that Trump was in possession of a greater volume of documents whose contents were more sensitive than those at issue in Biden’s case.
Pelosi’s LGBTQ fans celebrate her accomplishments
In November, the Human Rights Campaign, America’s largest LGBTQ advocacy organization, issued a statement following Pelosi’s announcement of her plans to step down from Democratic leadership but continue to represent her constituents in California’s 11th Congressional District in the House.
“Speaker Pelosi has been the tip of the spear on watershed advancements for the LGBTQ+ community,” HRC President Kelley Robinson said in a statement, pointing to her 1987 speech on the AIDS crisis and “forceful advocacy for marriage equality long before its mainstream popularity,” both before she was elected as speaker.
The Clinton-era Defense of Marriage Act, which banned federal recognition of same-sex marriages, was signed into law in 1996 with overwhelming support from both parties in both chambers of Congress; 342 members of the House voted for the proposal, with Pelosi joining only 64 other House Democrats, one independent, and one Republican in her opposition.
“During [Pelosi’s] tenure as Speaker,” HRC noted, “the House of Representatives passed an historic hate crimes law [the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act], repealed the discriminatory ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ law, led the fight to enact the Affordable Care Act, and vocally opposed bans on transgender members serving in our nation’s military.”
Pelosi’s leadership was bookended with Congress’s passage late last year of the Respect for Marriage Act, which is credited as the greatest legislative victory for LGBTQ Americans since the 2010 repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.”
Outside the U.S. Capitol building, Pelosi has also been celebrated by the LGBTQ community for signaling her support through, for example, her participation in some of the earliest meetings of the NAMES Project AIDS Memorial Quilt, her meeting with the survivors of the 2016 Pulse nightclub massacre, and her appearance at a host of LGBTQ events over the years.
Of course, at the same time, Pelosi has been a constant target of attacks from the right, which in the past few years have become increasingly violent. During the siege of the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, her office was ransacked by insurrectionists who shouted violent threats against her. A couple of weeks later, unearthed social media posts by far-right Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (Ga.) revealed she had signaled support for executing Pelosi along with other prominent House Democrats. And last October, the speaker’s husband Paul Pelosi suffered critical injuries after he was attacked by a man wielding a hammer who had broken into the couple’s San Francisco home.
Pelosi told CNN last week that her husband is “doing OK,” but expects it will “take a little while for him to be back to normal.”
Among her fans in progressive circles, Pelosi – who has been a towering figure in American politics since the Bush administration – has become something of a cultural icon, as well. For instance, the image of her clapping after Trump’s State of the Union speech in 2019 has been emblazoned on coffee mugs.
“What is so funny about it,” Pelosi said, is rather than “that work [over] all these years as a legislator,” on matters including the “Affordable Care Act, millions of people getting health care, what we did over the years with HIV/AIDS in terms of legislation, this or that,” people instead have made much ado over her manner of clapping after Trump’s speech. And while the move was widely seen as antagonistic, Pelosi insisted, “it was not intended to be a negative thing.”
Regardless, she said, “it’s nice to have some fun about it, because you’re putting up with the criticism all the time – on issues, whether it’s about LGBTQ, or being a woman, or being from San Francisco, or whatever it is.”
Trans company has life-saving, life-changing & affirming products
“[Social] Platforms make it difficult for trans-focused businesses to reach our customers at almost every turn”
PHILADELPHIA – When Scout Rose was transitioning in 2003, it was nearly impossible to find the tools they needed. They remember combing through message boards and digging to find transition-related products that yielded mixed results. The trans community, they said, was an “afterthought” or a “side project” at best.
“While things have certainly improved in the almost 20 years since I began my transition, by and large, the needs of transmasculine and nonbinary folks were not being addressed,” Rose told the Los Angeles Blade.
So, Rose took matters into their own hands and started Transguy Supply, an online marketplace dedicated to supporting trans men and nonbinary people. The site offers everything from binders and packing gear to apparel and grooming supplies.
“It started with the need,” they said.
When they launched the business four years ago, Rose – who has worked in the trans and nonbinary communities for almost two decades – knew it would be a success. “Seeing firsthand both the size and the power of the community, I was fairly confident that the community would support a business whose primary focus was the community,” they said.
And, so far, it seems as if they were right. According to the company, it has seen between 200% and 400% yearly growth since launching in 2018 – a feat Transguy Supply attributes to the “absolute need” of the products it offers. The online marketplace said as the trans and nonbinary community grows, their needs can no longer be written off as “niche.”
“I believed that the community was large enough to be able to create a business that could support itself,” Rose said. Still, they added that they have been “blown away by how large the community is.”
“It’s been incredible,” Rose said.
The amount of people who identify as transgender has grown generation by generation, according to a 2022 Gallup poll. In fact, trans Gen Zers – born between 1997 and 2012 – more than double the percentage of trans millennials, 2.1% to 1%. Additionally, about 42,000 children and teens across the country received a diagnosis of gender dysphoria in 2021, nearly triple the number in 2017, according to Komodo Health Inc. data compiled for Reuters.
As the need grows, so has the availability of transition-related products. But, Transguy Supply’s Chief Marketing and Community Officer Rocco Kayiatos said, when you look at companies for trans people “built by folks that are outside of the trans community, they don’t understand the economic reality of trans people.”
“That economic reality is stark against the rest of humankind, in that the majority of trans folks don’t have jobs and those that do are making well below poverty line levels,” he added.
It’s true. According to a 2019 study by the Williams Institute, an LGBTQ legal and policy think tank, 29.4% of trans people live in poverty – tied with cisgender bisexual women for the highest rate in the LGBTQ community. LGBTQ people, as a whole, have a poverty rate of 21.6%, according to the report, much higher than the rate for cisgender straight people, 15.7%.
In addition, researchers at Vanderbilt University found that trans Americans are 14% less likely to have completed college and 14% more likely to live in poverty. Even after controlling for the lack of a college degree and other observable differences, researchers said, trans people are still 11% less likely to have jobs than cisgender men in comparable situations.
“Economists call this an unexplained gap, but it’s likely that discrimination plays a role,” said Kitt Carpenter, who co-authored the study, “Transgender Status, Gender Identity, and Socioeconomic Outcomes,” published in the Industrial and Labor Relations Review.
The Center for American Progress and the Movement Advancement Project, in a 2015 report, said, “Transgender Americans face clear financial penalties simply because they are transgender.” In the report, the two nonprofits detailed how “pervasive discrimination,” “a lack of legal protections” and the “failure to adequately protect transgender students” contribute to the economic gap.
“I think one thing that Scout and Auston [Bjorkman, Transguy Supply’s creative director] did really beautifully – it’s embedded in the fabric of how they run this business – is to ensure that we are a lower cost option for the majority of the products that we offer to reflect the exact population that we’re serving,” Kayiatos, who joined the business late last year, said.
Take a $75 prosthetic, Kayiatos used as an example. “Seventy-five bucks is the choice between eating or not eating,” he said. Transguy Supply prices most of its prosthetics, also known as packers – a realistic or semi-realistic penis, usually made of silicone, meant to make trans men and gender nonconforming people more comfortable and confident – well below $75.
In many ways, Transguy Supply provides a version of gender-affirming care. “It’s life-saving and life-changing and life-affirming,” Kayiatos said.
Though some states have made strides in protecting trans people, the political landscape for trans people – especially trans youth – has largely gotten worse in recent years. In the first weeks of 2023, the ACLU has already counted over 120 new anti-LGBTQ bills across the country, most of which target education and trans healthcare. And that’s not to mention the record-breaking number of anti-LGBTQ bills seen in years past.
“These bills represented a coordinated effort to deny transgender people our freedom, our safety, and our dignity,” said Chase Strangio, deputy director for transgender justice at the ACLU’s LGBTQ & HIV Project.
One major target of this legislation has been banning trans youth from accessing gender-affirming care – anything from puberty blockers to hormone therapies to surgeries, a rare intervention for minors. In 2023, though, the legislative efforts have leveled up, with some bills now targeting adults as old as 26.
In Oklahoma, for example, a Republican lawmaker filed legislation seeking to prevent anyone under the age of 26 from accessing gender-affirming care – deeming it the “Millstone Act of 2023.” What’s more, doctors who break the law could be punished with an unclassified felony conviction and the possible revocation of their medical license.
“The bills targeting trans adults represent a significant escalation in the ongoing legislative attacks on the trans community,” Erin Reed, a legislative researcher and trans activist, told the Blade. “These bills serve to shift the Overton window in order to make passing bans on trans youth more palatable. They also indicate a willingness by these legislators to move towards a future where our right to exist is denied and those who care for us, criminalized.”
As the push to strip gender-affirming care from trans people grows, the products Transguy Supply offers become more important. “I think any sort of service that’s dedicated to creating access for goods or services or space or fostering a community for trans people is essential for our survival,” Kayiatos said. “And I think that we’re always going to be a community that takes care of ourselves because we’ve been discarded by the world at large.”
As the business continues to grow, it has found itself “bootstrapped,” Kayiatos said – running into advertising problems on Meta-owned Facebook and Instagram and Alphabet Inc.-owned Google.
Rose said that Facebook “regularly rejects” Transguy Supply’s products for “Advertising Policy violations.” Screenshots shared with the Blade showed a gray crew neck sweatshirt with “SIR” in black letters being removed for an “Advertising Policy violation.” In addition, a black and white T-shirt with an illustrated image of two people in jockstraps also couldn’t be used for ads.
Instagram, Rose said, has also removed photos that were “quite PG.” They added that the platform rejects tagged products – a feature that allows brands to tag products in an image to make it easier for users to find additional information – so much so that they “had to turn off notifications because it was distracting.”
“We don’t tag prosthetics, and we rarely post them, so the products they are un-tagging are apparel, binders, and underwear,” Rose said.
Meta didn’t comment on Transguy Supply specifically. However, a spokesperson provided the Blade with background on its policies in an email. “We have long had a policy that limits ads with adult content, like nudity, and adult products, like sex toys, in part because we take into account the wide array of people from varying cultures and countries who see them,” they said.
The spokesperson also outlined the platform’s efforts to protect LGBTQ people, something the company has come under fire for in the past.
“While our policies are not changing, we have improved our enforcement and provided more detail to advertisers under our Adult Products and Services policy,” the spokesperson said, adding: “Over the last year – with feedback from advocacy groups including GLAAD – we removed Interest topics that people may perceive as sensitive, including those related to sexual orientation and gender identities other than cisgender.”
The spokesperson also pointed the Blade to Facebook’s recently published LGBTQ Safety Page in the Facebook Safety Center. In it, the company states that it wants the platform to be “a place where LGBTQ+ people can share their voices, build community, and bring the world closer together.”
On Tuesday, Meta’s Oversight Board urged the company to update its policies on adult nudity to prevent enforcement errors for trans and nonbinary people. The independent governing body overturned Meta’s decision to remove two bare-chested Instagram photos – with nipples covered – of a trans couple posting about gender-affirming healthcare.
“The board finds that Meta’s policies on adult nudity result in greater barriers to expression for women, trans, and gender nonbinary people on its platforms,” a board blog post read. “They have a severe impact in contexts where women may traditionally go bare chested, and people who identify as LGBTQI+ can be disproportionately affected, as these cases show. Meta’s automated systems identified the content multiple times, despite it not violating Meta’s policies.”
Rose also accused Google Ads of suspending their Transguy Supply, though they have “no idea why.” “No one from Google will speak to you once your account is suspended,” they said.
Rose estimated the original Google suspension came in 2018, with their appeal coming shortly after. “I took to the internet to see if I could figure out what to do,” Rose said. “I remember reading somewhere that this often happens to companies that use foreign banks, but that couldn’t be us because Transguy Supply banks with Chase.”
Rose’s best guess for the suspension was because their Google account name, which was under Scout, was different from the name on their credit card – their deadname.
Though Rose “triple-checked” their bank details, ensuring all information was accurate, and changed their Google account name to match the name on their credit card, the appeal was denied.
“When researching, I also read that repeat suspensions can result in permanent suspension, so I decided not to appeal again,” Rose said, adding: “Without the ability to use Google Ads, I was forced to figure out other means of getting eyes on our business.”
Google did not provide a statement before publication, however in an email sent Wednesday, January 25, a Google spokesperson told the Blade:
“We support a healthy digital advertising ecosystem that is trustworthy, transparent, and works for users and advertisers. We welcome all beliefs and perspectives on our platforms provided they follow our advertising policies. Transguy Supply’s recently created account was not suspended. If any advertiser believes their ads account was suspended in error, they always have the option to appeal and there is no deadline to submit one.”
“Platforms make it difficult for trans-focused businesses to reach our customers at almost every turn,” Rose said. “Google wouldn’t let me advertise at all. Instagram routinely untags our products. And Facebook’s bots randomly reject products as benign as T-shirts from their ad program.”
Kayiatos, who was previously the chief marketing and content officer at FOLX Health – an LGBTQ-focused healthcare platform – said he has faced similar problems in the past. But he also had an “enormous budget” at the time.
“We didn’t face the same barriers that a small business faces when it’s serving LGBTQ-focused needs and services,” Kayiatos said.
Still, Transguy Supply is marching forward. Late last year, Rose added Kayiatos – who has been a transmasc culture creator for over 20 years – to the team, something they saw as a big step forward. In addition to Kayiatos’ previous role at FOLX, he created a magazine about trans masc culture called Original Plumbing and worked for tech giants including BuzzFeed and Grindr.
Rose and Kayiatos had known each other for a few years, but they started to get closer over the pandemic. “I actually can’t even remember why, but we would have these long phone conversations,” Rose said. “It was just so clear that I was speaking to a kindred spirit, someone whose brain was really similar to mine, and someone who is just incredibly easy to trust.”
Rose added: “I don’t think it’s hyperbole to say there is no other person in the United States who is and who in the last 20 years has created more opportunities for trans masculine people to connect with one another than Rocco [Kayiatos].”
“I’m gonna figure out how to get Rocco on board,” Rose thought to themself. “This is a match made in heaven.”
Kayiatos obliged. “Why not come back and do it with a bootstrapped community that I belong to, that I love, that I feel tethered to for the rest of my life?” he said. “This community needs resources.”
Kayiatos also praised the way Rose built the business. “I get to work with someone who doesn’t need more than he needs to build this company in this way that’s so counter to business right now, that is so central to the core of how I’ve lived my life,” he said, adding: “I don’t need to compromise my morals in any way, shape or form to show up and work for Transguy Supply.
With Kayiatos on board, the company is now heading full steam into the future.
“We already are the world’s largest one-stop shop for transmasculine, trans men and nonbinary folks when it comes to transmission-related needs,” Rose said. But to them, the potential of TransGuy Supply is endless. “We want to be a community hub, we want to be an informational hub, we want Transguy Supply to be a home for trans masculine, trans men and nonbinary folks,” Rose said.
The mistranslation that started a culture war & the man who found it
“I used to think God called me to pastoral ministry despite my being gay. I’ve decided He called me to ministry because I am gay”
By Kathy Baldock | RENO, Nv. – Rev. David Sheldon Fearon, 84, died peacefully in his home in Nanaimo, Vancouver Island, B.C. Canada at the beginning of January.
On October 22, 1959, Fearon, then a 21-year-old seminary student at McGill University’s School of Religious Studies, Montréal, Quebec, wrote a five-page letter to Dr. Luther A. Weigle, the head of the translation team for the newly published Revised Standard Version (RSV) of the Bible.
Fearon questioned the team’s combining and translation of the two Greek words in I Corinthians 6:10 to the single word “homosexual.” Until the New Testament of the RSV was published in 1946, the word “homosexual” had never appeared in any translation of the Bible.
Fearon was raised in Lenoxville, Quebec, the son of Earl, an iceman, and Evelyn, a primary school teacher. When Fearon was six, his mother realized he had a strong spiritual bent. As a result, Evelyn decided to change her church affiliation to the United Church of Canada, where the religious education was stronger.
In sixth grade, he developed his first “crush” on smart and handsome Dennis. He became nervous, shy, and uncomfortable around boys, and he began to develop a stammer. At sixteen-years-old, he noticed a book at the town’s magazine stand, The Divided Path, subtitled “the story of a homosexual.” He thought, “What, could he be like me? Maybe I’m not the only one? Maybe there are more people like me that just want to like and be liked by another boy?” Careful not to let the clerk see the book’s face, he paid and brought the book home to read.
His mother seemed continually disappointed that her younger son did not seem to be “meeting a nice girl,” after all, Gene, Fearon’s older brother seemed to date several girls simultaneously. To put an end to her nagging, he told her, “Mother, I’m gay.” It was 1954, and his stunned mother responded, “David, you can’t be gay, you’re are not a child molester or a pedophile.” As would become a lifelong pattern he gathered resources for his mother to read so that she might understand what homosexuality meant.
Upon graduating from high school, Fearon attended Bishop’s University in Lennoxville as a day student. He studied History and English, hoping to become a teacher like his mother. While a student at Bishop’s, he served with a Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) Auxiliary Squadron from 1955 through 1959.
The system acted as an early warning detection of Russian bombers that might potentially come to the United States from the north, over Canada. Serving in the RCAF was a good opportunity for Fearon to become more comfortable being around other young men his age, something that in the past made him nervous.
Though Fearon had been solidly secure in his faith and beliefs since childhood, now that he was older and taking classes in chemistry and biology, and learning about evolution and Darwinism, he began to think more about the existence of God. He hit a crisis of faith and sought the counsel of his minister. “I’m not sure God exists,” he confided in Rev. Leonard Outerbridge. The minister asked him to pray over the Christmas break and come to his own conclusions.
Two weeks later, Fearon was back in Outerbidge’s office. “Yes, I have found what I was looking for!” Having known David for many years, the wise minister asked, ”David, do you feel called to the ministry?” In his mind, Fearon thought, “What am I getting myself into? I am a stammerer, and I’m gay.”
Outerbridge invited Fearon to give the Sunday night sermon, the service most attended by his peers, his fellow students. He stood to give the sermon, delivered it clearly and never stammered again. It seemed settled to Fearon. “God fixed my stammer, but not my homosexuality. He must be good with it.”
The United Church of Canada gave him a scholarship to attend the McGill University School of Theology. The denomination had adopted the RSV as their official text for service and worship in 1952 when the full version of the translation was published.
The Revised Standard Version (RSV) is an English translation of the Bible that was popular in the mid-20th century. It posed the first serious challenge to the King James Version (KJV), aiming to be both a readable and literally accurate modern English translation of the Bible.
Fearon had been raised reading the King James Version of the Bible. Eventually, in his Divinity Program, he came across I Corinthians 6:9-10 in the RSV: “Do you not know that the unrighteous will not inherit the kingdom of God? Do not be deceived; neither the immoral, nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor homosexuals, nor thieves, nor greedy, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor robbers will inherit the kingdom of God.”
“Well,” that puzzled him, “that doesn’t make sense to me. God called me to the ministry, and He knew I was homosexual. Now I am reading that homosexuals will not enter the kingdom of God. How can that be?” Then Fearon noticed a small notation “j” beside the word “homosexual” indicating a footnote that read: “Two Greek words are rendered by this expression.”
Fearon suspected immediately that, “This translation has to be wrong, and if so, it is a terrible disservice to homosexual people. It shows strong prejudice on the part of the translation team.”
The RSV translation of the passage deeply bothered him. The more he thought about it, he thought that the RSV translation of the I Corinthians verse would lead to the further discrimination of gay people, but this time, from the church. But Fearon knew how to dig in to find answers to his questions. He had been doing it since his teenage years.
Fearon was also a good Greek student both at Bishop’s University and now at McGill. He knew it was essential not to simply read translated words in English versions of the Bible. Instead, he was trained to return to the original Greek texts to better understand the original meanings of words.
After reading the RSV I Corinthians 6:9-10 footnote, he took out his Greek Bible and looked up the two words that had been combined to form the one word “homosexual.” The two Greek words were malakos and arsenokoites. In his interlinear New Testament that compared the Greek text with the literal translation immediately above it, Fearon learned that the word arsenokoites was likely to have been coined by Paul the Apostle to address a specific situation happening within the church at Corinth.
Corinth, an ancient seaport city, regularly saw sailors, and to service their sexual needs, prostitutes. In the ancient world and in Greek culture, men enjoyed both male and female prostitutes, but more often men preferred the less complicated services of men, particularly, young men.
Fearon recalled from his study that these men who had sex with male prostitutes were called by some “abusers of men.” Those who gave themselves for sexual use, especially to be used sexually as women and used, in other words, to be penetrated like women, were the “malakos,” meaning “effeminate” which suggested, “to be used like women.”
He was confident from what he’d learned about the Greek words, from the history of Corinth, and who he was as a homosexually-oriented person, that Paul could not have been writing about homosexuals as he knew them, as Fearon knew himself.
“Hmmm,” he thought, “I’m a homosexual, but this is not about me. I know I am a Christian in the kingdom of God. I know God called me to the ministry. I’ve always known God has loved me, even as a child. The translators didn’t get this right. I don’t think “homosexuals” is what Paul meant by these words at all.”
Fearon then checked the translation of the two words as they had appeared in the KJV. There, the two words were translated as: “the effeminate” and “abusers of themselves with mankind.” He thought the KJV translation was far more accurate a translation of these two words separately than the RSV combining Paul’s original two words into one sweeping word.
It seemed clear to Fearon that this RSV translation of that verse reflected the prejudice and ignorance of the society in which he had grown up.
He concluded, “My sexuality is part of God’s plan for me and for humanity. I just don’t think they got this right.” He continued to think about the translation. But, he couldn’t talk to anyone about it, not even to his professors. The blindness in society at the time to orientation would expose him.
Over the span of almost two months, he privately went about constructing a single-spaced three-page letter, with an additional appendix, to send to the publisher of the RSV. He didn’t know if his letter would even be noticed, for he was certain that the many Greek scholars around him at the University and so many more throughout the world who had read this Corinthians passage during the past seven years would have noticed this error, and written to the publisher as well.
On October 22, 1959, Fearon sent his five-page letter to Dr. Luther A. Weigle. At the end of his impressive academic substantiation of the assumed error in translation, the young seminarian warned,
“I write this letter after many months of serious thought and hard work, partly to point out that which to me is a serious weakness in translation, but more because of my deep concern for those who are wronged and slandered by the incorrect usage of this word.
Since this is a Holy Book of Scripture sacred to the Christian, I am more deeply concerned because well-meaning and sincere, but misinformed and misguided people (those among the clergy not excluded) may use this Revised Standard Version translation of I Corinthians 6: 9-10 as a sacred weapon, not in fact for the purification of the Church, but in fact for injustice against a defenceless minority group which includes the sincere, convicted, spiritually re-born Christian who has discovered himself to be of homosexual inclination from the time of his memory.
I write this letter with certain homosexual individuals in mind—Christians who would die for their faith, their Church, and their Lord, but who cannot alter their biological state of being.
I hope the committee responsible for considering any possible corrections or revisions of the RSV text may take my case here presented for consideration.
Very truly yours,
(Author’s note: The full contents of the exchange of letters will not be made public until the book Forging a Sacred Weapon: How the Bible became Anti-Gay is published in mid-2023.)
Weigle responded November 3rd. He saw the possibility of an error and offered a suggested revision as “those who participate in homosexual practises.”
Fearon responded to Weigle on November 23, 1959, counter-suggesting, “those who practice homosexual vices.” Homosexual vices, as Fearon explained, were akin to same-sex rape. The same-sex sex referred to in I Corinthians, he pointed out, was abusive and exploitative in nature, like rape.
The exchange ended on December 3rd, with Weigle assuring him that the letters would be placed in a file and revisited when the team worked on a revision.
Fearon never thought about the letters again. He could not speak to anyone about them for fear that his questioning the translation might point to his sexuality. He did not know that his letters were placed in a file, and that, in the next round of translation edits, the team did change “homosexuals” to “sexual perverts,” a term which could be applied to any person, and not to a specific group, homosexuals. The 1971 RSV-r reflects this change.
Very unfortunately, several other Bible translations were already in the creation process by 1959. None of those translation teams (The Living Bible, The New American Standard Bible, and The New International Version) knew about the admission of error by the RSV team and the intention to revise. All of the newer translations used the RSV as the base text. “Homosexual” had become the accepted translation. The creator of The Living Bible added the word “homosexual” in five more places in addition to I Corinthians.
Homosexuality soon became a highly charged and useful political wedge issue for the Religious Right. First, the top-selling Bibles all supported the notion of the sinfulness and depravity of homosexuality. Then, the AIDS crisis hit. Romans 1, now including the word “homosexuals,” cemented the Religious Rights’ idea that AIDS was a penalty for sinful behavior.
I knew of this sudden translation shift and included the information in my first book, Walking the Bridgeless Canyon. When I spoke about it in my public presentations, I always added, “I believe this translation shift was the result of cultural and ideological assumptions by men who were born between 1870 and 1917. They knew nothing about what it was to be gay or the meaning of homosexuality as an orientation.”
The letter exchange has been housed in the archives in the Sterling Library at Yale University since 1976, when Weigle died.
Weigle had been the dean of Yale Divinity. In October 2017, I went to Yale University for five days with co-researcher, Ed Oxford, to see if we could find documentation as to why the RSV team made the decision they did. There was no paper trail that existed for the translation period; it seemed that they made a “logical” uncontested assumption in their translation. I imagine them looking into the culture of the 1930s, when the work on I Corinthians was done, and asking, “What is a simple way to express sex between men that is exploitative, abusive, and excessive.” For them, that was homosexuality.
We had found no record of explanation as to their decision anywhere in the almost one hundred thousand documents we searched, until, on the third day of searching, I found the four letter exchange between Fearon and Weigle.
This set Ed and me on a quest to undo the translation error that had been based on assumptions. I have been writing Forging a Sacred Weapon which traces the verses used against the LGBTQ+ community throughout history and in context for the past four years; it will be out in mid-2023.
The other curiosity was, “Who is this David Sheldon who wrote these crucial letters?” They were written with a PO Box return address based in Lennoxville, Quebec. We asked my friend Tina Wood to help us find Sheldon. Tina volunteers to help adoptees, birth families, and others searching for family and friends. The details of her search (also told in the book) are head-spinning. How do you find a person who wrote a series of letters sixty years ago with a PO Box as the return address? (We did not know at the time that Fearon was using his first and middle name, not his last name.) It took almost a year, but Tina found him.
On August 17, 2018, I called Fearon and asked him if he had written letters questioning the RSV translation team in 1959. “Yes,” came his reply. I had suspected on first reading the letters that the author was gay. Fearon confirmed he was.
“When did you come out?” I asked. “Never- I never came out.” He was 80 years old.
Fearon became a minister in the United Church of Canada after his studies at McGill. He served in nine pastorates for over thirty-seven years. He was partnered with Joe for twenty-three of those years. People thought live-in Joe was his cousin.
Fearon’s letters left a historical record of why the RSV translation team made their long-reaching and damaging decision.
There is no other documentation explaining why the team included the word “homosexual” in the Bible, except the information found in the Fearon-Weigle letters.
Fearon had yet to learn he impacted the 1971 revision change. He noticed the shift to “sex perverts” in the revision. When I shared the information with him in our first of dozens of long phone calls, he was surprised that his letters had moved Weigle to reassess his assumptions. Fearon had always imagined his letters were “one of hundreds, if not thousands” written objecting to the translation. In fact, Fearon’s was the only such letter.
I began presenting these findings in public presentations starting in 2018. At one such presentation at the Hollywood United Methodist Church, filmmaker Rocky Roggio brought her pastor father along.
Sal Roggio believes homosexuality is a sin. Rocky was planning on doing a documentary examining her relationship with her father. However, after listening to the presentation, Rocky switched courses. Over the past four years, she produced an excellent documentary, 1946: The Mistranslation that Shifted a Culture.
1946 threads several stories together: Rocky and Sal, my research work with Ed, Fearon’s letters, and his story, and all supported by interviews with expert Old and New Testament scholars. (Author’s note: The film is going through film festival now and will likely end up with a major online streamer within the next year.)
Fearon died last week peacefully in his home in Nanaimo on Vancouver Island. He was discovered January 8th by a friend who requested a wellness check. He was slumped over at his dining room table, his glass of beer half-finished, his television on, and his eyeglasses only slightly askew.
I would like to imagine he was watching the news, and God said, “Hey, David, good and faithful servant, you’ve done your work. It’s time.”
Fearon did not know the legacy he would leave when, at age 21, he bravely challenged the RSV translation error. His recently discovered letters left a record that allow us to further academically challenge a grave translation error based wrong assumptions.
In the last few years, he often said, “I used to think God called me to pastoral ministry despite my being gay. I’ve decided He called me to ministry because I am gay.”
Kathy Baldock, is an author, LGBTQ+ advocate, and Executive Director of CanyonWalker Connections.
She is a leading expert on LGBTQ+ issues in the United States, especially dealing with historical and current discrimination faced from the socially conservative Christian church and political sector.
Gay Gen Z Er wants to be Virginia’s youngest state delegate
Coltrain, who came out as gay when he was 11 years old, said he “was comfortable in telling everybody that I was gay from a really early age”
VIRGINIA BEACH, Va. – Zach Coltrain lives in two worlds. In one, he traverses the serene landscapes of Appalachian State University in North Carolina’s Blue Ridge Mountains – studying the use of music as a therapeutic intervention. In the other, he navigates the thorny world of politics in the neighboring state of Virginia, which saw a conservative shift after the election of Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin in 2021.
Coltrain, a 20-year-old gay Democrat, said those two worlds have coexisted for him since high school – where he split time between the debate team and musicals, campaigning and band practice, politics and music.
“It’s really important to me, solidifying my education with mental health, especially when I let it exist with government, where it appears most people don’t have a strong grasp on how mental health works,” he told the Los Angeles Blade.
The balance will certainly be harder to steer as Coltrain announced his campaign for Virginia’s 98th House of Delegates district in August 2022 – becoming the youngest candidate to run for a seat in Virginia’s lower body. In fact, Coltrain, who grew up in the district, won’t meet the minimum age requirement of 21 until his birthday in September, two months before the election.
Coltrain is joining an ever-growing list of political candidates from Generation Z – defined as those born between 1997 and 2012 – whose older members are just reaching the age where they can legally run for office, 2022 being the first year Gen Z could run in federal elections. And it didn’t take long for Gen Z to get on the board.
On Saturday, January 7, Maxwell Frost (D-FL), 25, was officially sworn into the U.S. House of Representatives, becoming the first Gen Z congressperson in history. “The people of Orlando sent me to Washington, D.C. to fight for them and enact the kind of change they want to see in our communities. Gun reform, universal healthcare, housing affordability, tackling the climate crisis, and more,” Frost said in a statement. “We have so much work to do, but I’m honored to represent my people.”
In addition, according to campaign finance tracker Open Secrets, Gen Z candidates for federal offices raised millions of dollars during the 2022 campaign season. The nonprofit identified at least seven Gen Z candidates – four Democrats and three Republicans – vying for congressional seats in 2022.
Gen Z is also partially responsible for thwarting the so-called “red wave” that many political analysts predicted for last year’s midterms. In 2022, Democrats overperformed, gaining one seat in the Senate and not losing nearly as many seats in the House as predicted.
Ashley Aylward, a senior researcher at the Washington-based public opinion research firm HIT Strategies, wrote in Time that an “earthquake of young voters shook up the political world” in 2022. “When young people’s rights are on the ballot and championed by the candidate, they show up,” she wrote.
The numbers seemed to back up her claims. About 1 in 8 voters overall were under 30, according to early exit polling and AP VoteCast, and more than half supported Democratic candidates in the midterm elections. It came during the same year that the U.S. Supreme Court overruled Roe v. Wade, stripping pregnant people of the Constitutional right to an abortion; 74% of 18-29-year-olds believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases, according to recent data from the Pew Research Center.
In an interview with the Blade, Aylward couldn’t say definitively whether we could expect a similar turnout of young voters in statewide and local races. Coltrain’s race will be decided later this year – Nov. 7, 2023 – with no headline-grabbing national or gubernatorial elections to help boost turnout.
But Aylward – speaking broadly and making clear she didn’t have enough data to make any clear conclusions – speculated that Dobbs v. Jackson, the case that gave the state’s the power to decide abortion rights, could lead to increased turnout in often overlooked statewide elections.
“I have noticed a shift in attention being turned towards state and local politics, because we know that is where the most impact happens on our day-to-day lives,” she said. “But a lot of it was sparked from the Dobbs v. Jackson case, because people now realize that these decisions about our bodies are going to be made in our state legislatures.”
Aylward added that she hopes to do more research on the topic in the future.
Furthermore, Aylward said she has found that Gen Z voters are “way more motivated to vote when they see young people like them run for office.”
“Most often of what we hear in focus groups is that young people are usually feeling more jaded, because they don’t see people like them in elections, particularly young,” she said.
This begs the question: Can a man not yet able to legally consume alcohol convince the people of Virginia’s 98th House of Delegates district to vote for him?
In general, Aylward said, she has found that age does matter to some folks. “But most of the time, it boils down to the issues. [Voters] go on and on about the issues that people are championing,” she said.
Coltrain is the only Democrat in the race, clearing his path to the general election. However, his journey to Virginia’s House of Delegates becomes murkier after the primaries. According to The Virginia Public Access Project (VPAP), Coltrain’s Republican opponent will either be Glenn Davis or Barry Knight – both of whom are current Virginia delegates. Davis has represented District 84 since 2014, and Knight has represented District 81 since 2010.
The district, which encompasses the southeast corner of the state, did change after redistricting, but it still favors Republicans. The new 98th district is made up of parts of the old 84th, 81st and 21st districts – all of which favored former President Donald Trump in the 2016 election. In 2021, the 98th district overwhelmingly voted for Republican Gov. Youngkin, who captured 63.06% of the vote. VPAP categorizes the district as “Strong Republican.”
Coltrain admitted that competing in the district worried him, saying there are no guarantees that the district will be flipped. But he believes his campaign is unique and will make him tough competition for his Republican opponent.
Zeroing on Knight, Coltrain criticized the incumbent’s past challengers. “The past few candidates we put up against Barry Knight, my opponent, have been other rich white guys,” he said. “Nobody’s really eating that up.”
“I think that’s not our case, here,” Coltrain added. “I’m a student on a Pell Grant with student aid and a music scholarship, literally barely hanging on financially at points.”
Furthermore, Coltrain touted his campaign issues – which focus on environmental protection, education and healthcare – as a “reflection of both [his] district and also Gen Z in general.”
“I think I found a way to find this niche intersection, where a rural district with farmers in it have the same common interests as Gen Z advocates,” he said. “And I think a big part of that can be the environment.”
As for his opponent using his age against him, Coltrain said, “Honestly, I hope they do.”
“My age is something that I’m going to flip as a good thing, and I have been campaigning with it,” he said. “I started right off the jump telling people that I’m here, and I’m young, and I’m not even old enough to hold the office that I’m running for. I am aware that this is unique, and I’m aware that being the youngest person to run is something that will make people uncomfortable.”
But Coltrain, who has worked on campaigns since he was a teenager, thinks that the “argument that there’s not room for [young people] at the table is not true and won’t be true.”
“I know how to have a real impact in our district,” he said. “I know that specifically, when we’re looking at young activists and organizers, our district is looking for them, tirelessly. I think that this could be a wake up call for us, it can be a way for people my age and people of my generation to realize that this is something that they can do and realize this is the space that they are supposed to exist in.”
Coltrain has no lack of people who believe he could very well be the person to flip the district. In fact, Dr. William “Fergie” Reid, the founder of 90 for 90 – an initiative that aims to supply a Democratic challenger in all Republican-controlled districts – reached out to Coltrain directly and encouraged him to run.
Reid – named after his father, William Reid, the first African American elected to the General Assembly in the 20th century – said he was looking for a candidate who was “in college, politically inclined and not scared.” Eventually, he said, “I got his name, and I tracked him down. When I talked to him, he couldn’t have been cooler, and [he] understood what I was talking about.”
In 2021, Republicans swept all three statewide positions – governor, Youngkin, lieutenant governor, Winsome Sears, and attorney general, Jason Miyares – and took control of the House of Delegates in an upset. Youngkin became the first Republican to win a statewide election in Virginia in over a decade.
Reid said Democrats’ losses in the state were narrow in 2021 and came down to Democrats “not playing hard enough.” To Reid, “if Democrats just play a little bit harder, they’ll take back the majority. And this is what Zach is doing; he’s helping Democrats play just a little bit harder.”
Youngkin has since signed an executive order to root out critical race theory in Virginia’s education system. He has also supported anti-LGBTQ policies, including forcing teachers to out queer students and restricting the rights of transgender students.
Coltrain, who came out as gay when he was 11 years old, said he “was comfortable in telling everybody that I was gay from a really early age.” But “looking at the way things are now, I don’t know that even right now, people could still have that story in the area that I grew up in. And it’s been super, super scary.”
“He’s got the right stuff, and I couldn’t be more proud of him,” he said of Coltrain.
Coltrain is staring down a busy semester, one sure to be full of aching feet and headaches as he’s committed to his campaign, coursework, part-time food truck job and Application State’s debate team – where he is one of two captains.
“It’s a lot for sure,” he said with uncertainty in his voice. “We’re trying to balance it.”
But the brief moment was drowned out by his overwhelming enthusiasm. “Schoolwork all day and campaigning all afternoon is just normal now,” he said, calling the opportunity “life changing.”
For LGBTQ people, Musk’s Twitter is both hateful and essential
“For better or for worse, Twitter’s done a lot for me in my life & I would be sad to lose that kind of ability to interact with people”
SAN FRANCISCO — When Elon Musk – formerly the world’s richest person – bought Twitter, the LGBTQ community immediately voiced concerns over safety and content moderation. In fact, mere hours after the news broke, the Human Rights Campaign (HRC), the nation’s largest LGBTQ organization, issued a statement outlining its fears.
At the time, Musk – whose $44 billion purchase of Twitter took months – had pledged to restore what the HRC called dangerous accounts that “push extremism and disinformation.”
“When this happens, Twitter – a place where many marginalized people, including LGBTQ+ people, find both community and face an onslaught of hate – will quickly become even more hostile,” said Jay Brown, senior vice president of programs, research and training for the HRC.
The fears proved valid. Recent research from the Center for Countering Digital Hate, Anti-Defamation League and other groups found that hate speech on Twitter rose after Musk purchased the platform. Anti-gay slurs, in particular, increased from an average of 2,506 times per day to 3,964.
Days after Musk’s takeover, Matt Walsh, a conservative podcaster known for using anti-trans rhetoric, encouraged his over 1 million Twitter followers to misgender trans people. “We have made huge strides against the trans agenda,” Walsh tweeted. “In just a year we’ve recovered many years worth of ground conservatives had previously surrendered. The liberation of Twitter couldn’t have come at a more opportune time. Now we can ramp up our efforts even more.”
Libs of TikTok, a conservative Twitter account with 1.7 million followers and a blue checkmark, tweeted the word “GROOMER” – an anti-LGBTQ slur previously restricted on Twitter – repetitively in a single post. Anti-LGBTQ activists and politicians have increasingly accused LGBTQ people, particularly trans people and drag performers, of attempting to “groom” or “indorenate” children.
On Nov. 20, a 22-year-old gunman killed five people and injured 25 in a Colorado Springs LGBTQ nightclub, Club Q; the shooter has since been charged with 305 counts, including murder and hate crimes. A Montclair State University study found a dramatic spike in the use of the term “grooming” on Twitter after the shooting, amounting to an 885% increase compared to the word’s high point of usage before the attack.
“People are definitely feeling emboldened by Elon Musk’s takeover,” said Ari Drennen, LGBTQ program director at Media Matters for America – a left-leaning nonprofit media watchdog.
Erin Reed, a legislative researcher and trans activist, agreed. “Hate ran wild after Elon Musk bought Twitter,” she said.
Though LGBTQ people – and other marginalized groups – have warned of harassment on Twitter for years, the community has also used the platform to educate, organize and make connections. It makes leaving Twitter harder for some LGBTQ people, even in the face of increasing levels of hate. “Twitter has been a really important gathering place for LGBTQ people for years now,” Drennen said. “And so, it’s been kind of a shame to see it become more hostile than it already was.”
Not only has Reed received more hate messages since Musk’s acquisition, but she has also started to get “more brazenly aggressive” comments and replies – “things that would, in the past, get people kicked off the platform,” she said.
“I got death threats; I got people in my DMs, loading up shotguns. It was terrifying,” Reed said. “But it was also something that we expected to happen.”
She added: “Being an activist in this space means that you’re going to end up getting threats, and that’s something that I’ve had to live with for a long time. I think what surprised me was the increase in volume [after Musk’s acquisition].”
Drennen has also been subject to anti-LGBTQ harassment on the platform. She said Walsh called her a “cockroach,” which was “very concerning, especially considering that Twitter didn’t do anything about it.”
However, both Drennen and Reed have a complicated relationship with Twitter. “I never want to give up my platform on Twitter,” Reed said. “For all of its ills, and for all of the issues that we have faced in terms of harassment, it has been a very good platform for me to get the information around transgender issues out to the people that are making the decisions and that are reporting on the decisions.”
Drennen said she built her career on Twitter. Still, she said, “people will find other places to gather on the internet.”
“Maybe I’d be better off not being on a website where Charlie Kirk [conservative activist and founder of Turning Point USA] can call me a groomer at 7 p.m. on a Friday night,” Drennen said. “But, you know, for better or for worse, Twitter has done a lot for me in my life, and I would be sad to lose that kind of ability to interact with people.”
To lessen the blow of Twitter, Drennen encouraged blocking and quality filters, in addition to limiting notifications. “There’s just like no reason that you have to leave yourself open to be harassed by anyone who gets a kick out of looking for queer people to harass in their evening.”
For blocking, Reed uses a tool called Red Block – a browser extension that allows Twitter users to block large groups of people. “If I get retweeted by one of the toxic hate accounts, it’s very easy to click on their likes, and then hit Red Block and block all of the people that liked a particular post that espoused hatred towards the LGBTQ community,” she said.
Ultimately, Reed said that she has known for months that Musk would take over Twitter. One of the ways she prepared for it was by exploring other platforms. TikTok, for example, has become Reed’s main platform.
“I do a lot of work on Twitter still, but, you know, [TikTok has] become another place where I keep my audience,” she said.
To Reed, making sure Twitter isn’t the only platform where she has a prominent voice was imperative. Furthermore, she stressed building communities offline, as well.
“Whenever the temperature of anti-LGBTQ hatred gets turned up, both online and in-person is so important,” Reed said. “Making those friendships and talking to people, I think that is one of the best forms of self-care and one of the antidotes to dealing with large-scale, hateful platform changes, like what we’re seeing on Twitter.”
Queer, Chinese, entrepreneur: Canadian seeks permanence in LA
“As a gay Asian immigrant there isn’t a lot of guidance on what we are supposed to do. I am at a weird crossroads of different cultures”
LOS ANGELES– The elevator opens on the twenty-seventh floor of an ultra-luxury Highrise building in downtown LA. A man of medium height in a professional and impeccably pressed all-black ensemble is waiting in the marble vestibule.
He greets me with appraising eyes, a wide smile, and a firm handshake before ushering me to a large conference room with sweeping views of the city below.
Endy Zhou, 31, is a Canadian national and a Chinese immigrant. He is a skilled pianist and proudly queer. He is also the owner of Solar101, the largest remote solar platform in California.
In recent years, the rise of solar energy has been astronomical. A study by Princeton University predicts an increase in solar usage of five hundred percent by 2025. This will be a huge win to help maintain and protect the environment by limiting greenhouse gas emissions and thereby reducing climate change.
“I like to be involved in things that benefit the world,” says Zhou. “I realize, too, though, that I am just one person. I like to create small changes that I can control. I will never be one of those people who say, ‘I’m going to change the world.’ No. I’m only making about a 10% difference. But that 10% is enough.”
As a successful entrepreneur who has to work with new people on a daily basis, Zhou has mastered the art of propriety. He has bottled water waiting for us, and even though this is clearly his turf, Zhou chooses not to take a seat at the head of the table but opts for the seat just to the right of it, offering me the head seat as a sign of respect.
Zhou’s business sense and people skills have taken him far in a short period of time. He and his company, which he launched during COVID, have already been featured in LA Wire and New York Weekly, to name a few. Zhou has also been featured in CEO Weekly as number seven on their list of top ten self-made men and women (Oprah held spot number one).
Zhou has taken time out of his busy schedule to speak to The Blade about struggling as a queer immigrant youth, his rise to success, and his philosophy on sexuality and identity.
We are also joined by his immigration lawyer, Joe Adams.
Zhou was born in the city of Harbin China, the capital of Heilongjiang in the northernmost Sheng province. The “Icy City” is known for its Russian architecture, transportation system, and its yearly “Ice and Snow Festival.”
At age twelve, his parents decided to leave China for a small town in Canada in hopes of a bright and better future for their family–a dream that all too quickly became somewhat of a living nightmare.
“My parents found out quickly after moving to Canada that it didn’t matter that one of them had a master’s degree and one had a bachelor’s degree,” says Zhou. “It was frustrating because these are requirements to enter Canada. But those degrees themselves aren’t recognized passed the immigration stage. So you have to have these things to immigrate here, but no one will recognize those degrees when you are looking for a job.”
“My dad used to be a university professor, and my mom was a college professor. When they came here, my dad became a janitor, and my mom became a massage therapist.”
Due to a combination of xenophobia and a general lack of job opportunities, many immigrants to Canada find it difficult to find work that is comparable to their old jobs. These immigrants, like Zhou’s parents, are then forced to take “survival jobs“ to stay afloat.
“My parents moved here because they wanted a better life,” says Zhou. “They thought they would move to a utopia. They were stuck.”
Trapped in unexpected poverty, the family had one goal: survival. This meant mounting pressure was placed on a young Zhou to contribute to the family, at times exceeding the capacity of a twelve-year-old.
“By the age of twelve, I was already forced to be three-quarters of an adult. I was the only person who spoke English in my family. I had to translate everything. I had no choice. Little did they know I didn’t speak very good English back then at all, but I was in an immigrant family, and the mindset was, ‘Oh you speak English? Then you speak English.'”
“I was handling my family’s finances and things like that since I was twelve, not by choice. I feel this is very similar in a lot of immigrant families. There are a lot of things you have to do and learn when you move to a new country, and sometimes that comes at the expense of the kid’s childhoods and teenage years.”
“I spent a lot of my teenage years helping and working with my parents. When I wasn’t in school, I would be helping my dad clean and stuff like that.”
While the struggle to stay afloat was difficult, he also feels grateful for those formative years.
“I used to be kind of ashamed of that, but in recent years I actually made peace with that. I love the fact that we went through that together as a family, even though those weren’t the easiest years.”
Zhou feels the money struggles of his youth helped to form the resilience he has today.
“I’ve learned to adapt to the negative and change it to work for me. As an Asian LGBTQ+ person, I pretty much have all these targets on myself. I think, ‘how do we turn that negative thing into a positive thing? How do we turn trauma into something that will benefit everybody in the long run?'”
While Zhou is driven to turn his negative experiences into positive ones, there was a time when navigating his sexuality was far more difficult for him. Coming to terms with his sexuality was problematic for Zhou both at home and socially.
“I find that as a gay Asian immigrant, the interesting thing with us is there isn’t a lot of guidance on what we are supposed to do. I am at a weird crossroads of different cultures.”
Zhou feels that, at the time of his childhood, his Canadian hometown was seriously lacking in LGBTQ+ representation.
“I often make this joke that in my hometown, there are about 9 people on Grinder,” says Zhou.
Zhou’s coming out journey was one wrought with prejudice and bullying from his peers.
“I got called, “Fag” walking down the hallway,” says Zhou. “I wasn’t accepted into the best choir of my high school even though I was talented enough because they were all clicks that dated each other, and, being gay, I couldn’t do that.”
“I moved to Canada at grade 7, so by grade 11, I had endured a lot of bullying,” says Zhou.
When the bullying got really bad, Zhou, a naturally shy and quiet child, began to rehearse his responses.
“I was very slow with comebacks. I had a lisp and an accent. So I started to practice on the bus. I had to take the bus an hour home because we couldn’t afford to live where my school was, even though my parents wanted me to go there for the music program. But we couldn’t afford to live in the area.”
“I had two hours to myself plus shower time to just really talk to myself. You know those shower arguments you have with yourself? Every argument I lost, I practiced. I really don’t lose arguments anymore.”
Zhou recalls the day all his practicing first paid off.
“Grade eleven, I just snapped back at somebody. I said, “I’m not sure if I am a homosexual, but I’d rather be one than have to date your girlfriend.”
That moment marked a turning point for him, understanding that standing up to his bullies was the only way to get them to leave him alone.
“After that, my life really changed. I realized I was a lot more powerful than I thought.”
“You have to put out the fire before it becomes a big fire. I believe in making an example out of something. So once I fought back publicly the first time, and my bullies realized they weren’t winning, they backed off. When you turn that back on them, they don’t know what to do anymore.”
For Zhou, the bullying for being gay was sometimes perplexing as he himself had never told anyone he was gay. In fact, he was not even sure of the fact himself at the time.
“I was confused,” says Zhou. “I always knew I was a little bit different. I tried to fit in. When that repeatedly didn’t work, I realized the best thing to do was to create your own friend group.”
“I never felt I fully came out. I never really said I was gay. I just said I was queer. Then I joined the gay men’s chorus, and I thought, “oh, okay, fine. I guess I’m gay now.’ But I don’t necessarily care about that declaration. If I sit here and make that declaration that I am gay, nothing about that changes who I am.”
Zhou fully made the discovery that he is queer in university in what he humorously calls “the hard way.”
“I had a girlfriend, and it just didn’t work,” Zhou says, laughing. “It just didn’t work.”
Zhou says that making peace with who he is has greatly shifted his perspective and sense of self.
“Once I figured out who I was, I realized that I couldn’t hide or change it. In university, I realized that all those people in high school who bullied me for being gay all those times were all right. I really was gay. I was like, “Oh shit! You’re right.” And then I made peace with that.”
“Being Asian and being gay, that’s not who I want to be. That’s just who I am. I have no choice in the matter. I would say that is the most powerful recognition that I have. Just be yourself. I can’t be other people. ”
At home, Zhou says he never officially came out to his parents.
Zhou’s situation is not singular nor unique. Many Chinese males find it nearly impossible to speak about sexuality and gender in traditional Chinese homes. One study in 2018 found that gay Chinese men, in particular, are more prone to mental health issues “because of deep-rooted, traditional social influence that overemphasizes heterosexual marriage, fertility, and filial piety.”
This silence on the topic of Zhou’s queerness has carried through to his adult life.
“Do they (Zhou’s parents) acknowledge the fact that I’m gay? No. But to quote my idol in life, Naomi Campbell, ‘That’s a them problem.’”
“They don’t have to accept me because I’m not asking for acceptance. I change enough people’s lives. I create my own family.”
“My relationship with my parents has changed throughout the years. I would say that in my childhood, I felt the hardship that was put on them was transferred to me. But, nowadays, we have a different dynamic. I support my family. Most of what I say to them is just statements rather than asking for permission. I’m not asking them if I can be a homosexual. I’m saying I will not marry a woman.”
While Zhou has come to terms with his sexuality, he says that while he is open to finding a partner, romantic love is not and has never been the main priority for him.
“Finding a girlfriend or boyfriend was never on my radar in life. I didn’t really think about that. I was more focused on myself and my career. Growing up, I saw a lot of relationships around me, and I know I don’t want anything like that.”
When asked whether the relationship between his parents influenced his stance on romance, Zhou responds: “Absolutely. It influenced me not to have one.”
“I’ve really seen what a conservative ideology has done to my mother as a woman. But also, in life, I’m not saying I’m not open to dating. But I’m looking for someone to push me, to make me better. I don’t want to meet somebody halfway. I want to meet better people. People who inspire me and encourage me both in friendship and in a relationship.”
A BUSINESSMAN IS BORN
Working with his father from a young age gave Zhou his first taste of earning a living. He then had various other pursuits, such as selling water at raves, even though he was too young to participate in the raves themselves. He also paid for his music degree with a choir gig, singing as a tenor on the weekends at a local church.
But it wasn’t until shortly after attaining his music degree from the University of Victoria, B.C. that Zhou’s life as a businessman truly began, not out of desire but out of necessity.
“After university, my dad had a stroke,” explains Zhou. “So, I took the most paying job that I could find, which was making door-to-door sales for internet and TV in Canada in the middle of nowhere. I had to support my family. I had to support my parents.”
Zhou says he made a name for himself by making door-to-door sales. He quickly got promoted to general manager, where he oversaw large door-to-door campaigns in Canada.
However, the shy boy from his youth was still alive and well within Zhou, making client-facing an excruciating experience. This lack of natural talent in sales forced Zhou to face his fears and his pitfalls just as he had to learn to stand up to those bullies in school.
“I hated it door-to-door. I was so bad at it. How many times in a day can you get someone to look at you and slam the door in your face? It’s pretty hard. So I was forced to find ways to make it work for me and become good at it. I had been handed a situation where I had no choice but to go try to make sense of it. I had to go try to make $70 at a house.”
Zhou gives the impression of being self-assured. His eye contact is direct, and his jokes flow naturally with our conversation. However, Zhou admits that these social skills set still do not come naturally to him. Rather, he has learned and practiced them over time.
“I needed to learn how to communicate with people, how to talk to people because I really didn’t know how. I am very shy. I didn’t want to talk to people. That sort of is still true, although now I have the ability to override it.
“I don’t necessarily fight it. I often put myself in situations where I don’t have to speak to people. If I am in a situation where there are a lot of people, I ask myself, ‘are you happy here?’ If the answer is no, I leave.”
“But when I have to speak, I just learned to work with it. If I need to have a conversation and I see there is a value I doing so, then I can do it.”
Zhou’s tendency towards shyness highlights a major cultural difference between the East and the West. Where the West tends to value the boasting of success, the East, especially East Asia, tends to preach and value modesty from a young age.
“My innate nature and my culture says, ‘why are you talking?'” says Zhou.
Unfortunately, Zhou’s cultural upbringing may be what stands in the way of his legal status in America.
Zhou’s immigration lawyer, Joe Adams, explains that Zhou is seeking an extraordinary ability visa, an O-1 visa.
By definition, in order to qualify for an O-1 visa, “you must demonstrate extraordinary ability by sustained national or international acclaim, or a record of extraordinary achievement in the motion picture and television industry, and must be coming temporarily to the United States to continue work in the area of extraordinary ability.”
However, the nature of the O-1 visa is problematic for East Asians like Zhou, Adams explains.
“There is an implicit bias in the way certain immigration rules are written,” says Adams. “When it comes to the extraordinary ability visa and petitions, there is an implicit bias towards people who are self-promoters. I don’t think this was deliberately set out, but these rules were written in the 20th century to favor those who are really good at self-promotion. This is a western bias.”
In other words, Zhou’s learning to override his shyness is not just good for business, it is necessary to his being able to apply for a visa that will allow him to keep his business in the United States.
“I find this counterintuitive,” says Zhou. “As I said, I don’t want to talk about myself. But as I learned to talk about myself, I realized I have a lot of things to speak to. I can inspire people.”
“When I applied for my first visa right at the border, I thought to myself, ‘it’s just a sale. They are forced to talk to me. They can’t shut the door on me.’ I said to myself, ‘you are here. Now let me do my job.'”
Zhou also makes an effort to educate his staff on Eastern mentalities to better serve his Asian clients.
“We do a lot of outreach. A lot of companies in California tend to ignore that Asian people even exist. For example, a standard here is that a long contract has to come in English or Spanish, but it doesn’t have to be in Mandarin or Tagalog or in any other Asian language. We do a lot of education on how to work with Asian clients. We are slowly making it more friendly and multicultural.”
“We are building a platform for people who are traditionally overlooked by society,” said Zhou in a previous interview with New York Weekly, “whether it’s due to a lack of a degree or lack of opportunity. I’ve worked extremely hard to build my own platform, and I’m now offering to grow with other like-minded individuals together. We are not just looking for sales in a solar company. We are looking to build an authentic platform for people who are underdogs: people who grew up being told that they aren’t good enough, not hardworking enough, and people who grew up never feeling like they had a chance.”
In addition to his internal fight to Westernize his mentality and educate Westerners on the Eastern mindset, Zhou has to battle homophobia in the business world.
“I have lost out on contracts before when people found out I was gay or that I go to drag shows. To that, I say, ‘great.’ One of the most advantageous things I enjoy as someone who knows myself is that I have the ability to pick and choose. I am not afraid to say no. I find that very validating. ‘No’ is a complete sentence.”
Zhou also does a fair amount of due diligence when it comes to taking on new clients.
“We do research on our clients,” says Zhou. “I am also very careful about my online profile. When we decide to work with someone, we look at their online profile as well. If they belong to some sort of hate group or something like that, I just don’t work with them. I can’t be associated with people like that.”
“When I speak to someone about business, their looks, their gender, their sexuality has nothing to do with me. What has something to do with me is what can you bring to the table and what can I bring to the table.”
“Now I have a lot of people reach out to me via Instagram and LinkedIn, especially. They say, ‘I read your article in LA weekly,’ or ‘I saw you perform.’ A lot of gay people say, ‘I didn’t know that you could be publicly gay and do these things.’ That is what I spoke about earlier. I like to take my cons and turn them into pros.”
Zhou feels that LA, his home of five years now, is the one place he has found consistent acceptance.
“I actually visited LA when I was 26. I never had experienced so much inclusivity when it comes to people being LGBTQ+ especially when it comes to being an Asian LGBTQ+ person.
“When you are in a smaller town like where I was working up in Canada, we as people of color kind of come after the white people, for lack of better words. Because of who I am, I was never the preferred anything. So it is nice to be in a place where you can just be who you are.”
“I love LA so much that I actually recently had this conversation with that I have fallen into this interesting place where I don’t want to travel because I already live exactly where I want to be. I don’t need a vacation from my life. This is my vacation spot.”
When asked what advice Zhou would give to his childhood self, he responds: “I wouldn’t say anything. He will figure it out.”
American Transgender journalist joins Ukrainian military
Ashton-Cirillo entered Ukraine in March with the intention of covering refugees who had fled the country & ended up fighting for its defense
WASHINGTON – It was shortly before 1 p.m. on Dec. 9 when Sarah Ashton-Cirillo, a member of the Armed Forces of Ukraine’s Noman Çelebicihan Battalion, arrived at Le Bon Café, a coffee shop on Second Street, S.E., near the U.S. Capitol.
The Las Vegas native who was wearing her uniform sat down at an outdoor table and began to sip a coffee as she talked about the journey that brought her from the U.S. to the frontlines of Russia’s war against Ukraine.
Ashton-Cirillo in 2015 traveled to eastern Turkey to cover Syrian refugees who had fled their country’s civil war.
She said she was “supposed to have started the story in Syria, but I was too scared.” Ashton-Cirillo later wrote a book, “Along the Tracks of Tears,” but she told the Washington Blade that she “was terribly unhappy with” it.
“Some of it had to do with being trans,” she said. “I had been traveling with Muslims, with different groups, and they were accepting me, but I would always have in the back of my mind, would they have talked to me if they knew I was trans or a female.”
Ashton-Cirillo, who was born in northern Florida, was the director of communications for a California-based health care company before she launched Political.tips, a website that focused on politics in Nevada and across the country. Ashton-Cirillo has also sought to expose extremist Republicans through her reporting.
‘I was not expecting it to happen’
Ashton-Cirillo noted she wrote her second book, “Fair Right Just,” while she was in the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.) Ashton-Cirillo told the Blade that she learned about what Russia had done to them through mid-winter visits to museums.
“That led me to hate Russia, because I’m reading about things that ended up being pertinent today: Filtration camps, the language issues, they were trying to erase culture, the genocide, the torture of political prisoners, everything that we’re living now, the folks in the Baltics lived 80 or 90 years ago, as do the Ukrainians, but I hadn’t been to Ukraine yet.”
Russia launched its war against Ukraine on Feb. 24, 2022.
“It always bothered me for 6 1/2 years,” said Ashton-Cirillo, referring to her book about Syrian refugees. “As I was watching this unfold, I said, oh, there’s a massive refugee situation. Is it worth it for me to go over and try to maybe get new material and put out a book that would actually take the old material and the new material and put it together. I put it together, and so when the war actually broke out, I said, holy shit this is real and that’s why I wasn’t here (in Ukraine) on the first day. I was watching it.”
Ashton-Cirillo conceded she is “the first to say I was not expecting it to happen.”
“With the full-scale invasion happening on Feb. 24, even though Donbass had been under siege, and there had been a war going on for or years, I didn’t expect there to be an invasion, a land invasion of a full country, not just in this area that had been, you know, that the Russians had seized when basically the world was sleeping,” she said.
Ashton-Cirillo entered Ukraine on March 4, 2022, with the intention of covering refugees who had fled the country. She said the press credentials the Ukrainian government reflected her gender identity and her legal name.
“My legal name, Sarah Ashton-Cirillo, was my legal name when I traveled. My gender was my legal gender when I traveled due to having changed it in Nevada,” said Ashton-Cirillo. “My driver’s license was changed but my passport had not been changed … it was very complicated because it looked like a totally different person with totally different names, a totally different gender.”
Ashton-Cirillo noted Ukrainian officials put her legal name on the top of her press credentials and “formally known as my previous name” on the bottom of them.
“I was okay with it because I couldn’t believe they credentialed me anyway with the situation being the way it was,” she said.
Jessica Stern, the special U.S. envoy for the promotion of LGBTQ and intersex rights, less than a month after the war began told the Blade that many trans and gender non-conforming Ukrainians decided to remain in the country because they could not exempt themselves from military conscription. Stern during the March 18, 2022, interview cited the case of a trans man who tried to leave Ukraine and “in an effort to prove who he was, who he said he was, he was actually forced to remove his shirt and show his chest” at the border.
“Unfortunately, that’s not the only humiliating and potentially violent incident that I’m hearing,” she said.
One of the stories that Ashton-Cirillo wrote for LGBTQ Nation while in Ukraine highlighted problems that trans people had when they tried to leave the country because their ID documents did not match their gender identity.
Gender Stream, a Ukrainian advocacy group, helped more than 50 trans and nonbinary people obtain the necessary paperwork that allowed them to leave the country. Ashton-Cirillo acknowledged there was “gatekeeping, but people could get out.”
“Nobody knew what to do,” she said, referring to the treatment of trans and nonbinary Ukrainians who wanted to leave the country immediately after the war began. “Every male was mobilized. It was just something I don’t think was ever going to come up in the purview. The other thing not coming up in the purview was getting a trans journalist popping in with an ID that was totally different. I didn’t expect to get let in. I didn’t expect to get credentialed.”
Russian airstrike killed activist days before Ashton-Cirillo arrived in Kharkiv
Ashton-Cirillo told the Blade that she wanted to go to Kyiv, the Ukrainian capital, and cover Russia’s efforts to seize it. Ashton-Cirillo instead traveled to Kharkiv, the country’s second largest city that is less than 30 miles from the Russian border in eastern Ukraine.
Elvira Schemur, a volunteer for Kyiv Pride and Kharkiv Pride, was inside the regional administration building in Kharkiv on March 1, 2022, when a Russian missile struck it. The 21-year-old law student was among those who were killed.
Ashton-Cirillo arrived in Kharkiv eight days after Scheumer’s death.
CNN Chief International Correspondent Clarissa Ward was among the journalists who reported from Kharkiv during the first weeks of the war. Ashton-Cirillo recalled to the Blade a conversation that she had with her shortly after she arrived in the city.
“Clarissa says to me, via the Twitter Space, Sarah, I’ve been following your work in Kharkiv. It’s great,” recalled Ashton-Cirillo. “If you don’t leave you’re going to be traumatized for the rest of your life because this is the worst bombing … she knows it.”
“She’s an idol of mine,” she added. “She’s somebody that I look up to from a journalistic standpoint … I didn’t understand what that meant because I’m embedded with security services and not only am I trans, I’m living with security forces during the bombings as a trans woman and a journalist and I’m living with them. I was seeing things that no one else was seeing, but I was also living in a bubble and because of that I was living this life of war and I was living this life of terrorism and death every single day, but I didn’t realize it.”
Ashton-Cirillo said the only foreigner she saw from the time she arrived in Kharkiv until April 21 was an Al-Jazeera reporter who visited the same site that Russia had attacked.
“I was in a bubble and didn’t realize what I was going through was not normal,” she said. “It was not normal because journalists come in and out, they have each other to talk with. I was totally on my own.”
Ashton-Cirillo lived and worked with local security officials. She also helped them deliver weapons to checkpoints while she was not writing about the war.
The mayor of Zolochiv, a village in Kharkiv Oblast that is 10 miles from the Russian border, named Ashton-Cirillo his official representative in negotiations with foreign aid groups after he met her. She said there “was devastation” in the village when she first arrived.
“I’m on the Russian border and I’m being empowered as power of attorney for this town of Zolochiv. This was my focus in between my writing,” she said. “I would go up there and do my things, but I was not a combatant yet.”
Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson targets Ashton-Cirillo
Russia’s castration of gay Ukrainian men and hunt lists for LGBTQ and intersex people in Mariupol and other cities are among the stories that Ashton-Cirillo wrote for LGBTQ Nation.
She notes in one LGBTQ Nation article that Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova on April 21 publicly accused her of participating in the disappearance of journalist Gonzalo Lira, who, she noted “was being held by Ukrainian State Security services.” Zakharova, according to Ashton-Cirillo, described her as a “transgender journalist from Las Vegas” who took pictures with “gangsters,” a reference to Ukrainian soldiers.
“It made me cry. It was the first time I cried,” Ashton-Cirillo told the Blade. “It was the worst and then it unleashed right-wing trolls. Glenn Greenwald jumped on it.”
Joe Oltmann, a Denver-based podcast host, falsely accused Ashton-Cirillo of murdering Lira. Ashton-Cirillo has filed a defamation lawsuit against the prominent 2020 election denier.
“All this insanity was going on and I’m crying,” said Ashton-Cirillo.
She said a member of the Azov Regiment, a Ukrainian National Guard unit that defended the port city of Mariupol during the Russian siege, asked her why she was crying.
“You come out to the rocket attacks. You see dead bodies. You don’t cry,” he said.
“Maria Zakharova attacked me,” said Ashton-Cirillo.
“I’m so proud of you because that means you’re really getting to them,” responded the Azov Regiment member.
Ashton-Cirillo told the Blade the conversation “changed my whole mindset.”
Ashton-Cirillo soon began to work for the Kharkiv Media Hub, which supports journalists who are working in the city. Ashton-Cirillo also continued her work with Zolochiv and NGOs, including José Andrés’ World Central Kitchen, once they reached areas that Ukrainian forces had liberated from Russia.
“I was so proud to see these guys,” she said, referring to World Central Kitchen. “This organization gets it.”
Ashton-Cirillo began to work for the Ukrainian Defense Ministry in a civilian capacity in August. She continued to represent Zolochiv.
“My mind wasn’t on the stories anymore,” said Ashton-Cirillo. “I knew how much work I was doing for the government. I pushed the envelope as far as I could without, I think, getting into an ethical dilemma from a journalistic standpoint because I love journalism.”
Ashton-Cirillo said discussions about her enlisting in the Armed Forces of Ukraine were already taking place when the Kharkiv counteroffensive began in September. Ashton-Cirillo told the Blade that she also worked to counter Russian propaganda that included the claim that Russian troops had captured Bakhmut, a city in Donetsk Oblast.
“I’m in Bakhmut. Fighting is literally all around. I’m standing there grinning at City Hall, look, Russia doesn’t have it. It’s lies,” she recalled. “I get a phone call that night, we’re ready to enlist you.”
A journalist drove Ashton-Cirillo from Bakhmut to Kyiv.
“I had never been to Kyiv,” she said. “I get to Kyiv, and it’s bustling and its amazing. I was frozen with disbelief. Wow, Kyiv is great.”
Ashton-Cirillo was in Kyiv on Oct. 10 when Russia launched a rocket attack against Kyiv. She said one of the rockets landed less than 700 feet from the apartment in which she was staying. Ashton-Cirillo was the first journalist on the scene.
“I had my credentials with me and I had my vest and my helmet and I did a video that was viewed millions of times,” she said, noting President Volodymyr Zelenskyy shared it on his official Instagram page and Ukrainian television stations broadcast it on their nightly news casts. “That was it. That was my last journalistic endeavor.”
Ashton-Cirillo a short time later went to a recruiting station to enlist.
She said a commander who brought her there told her she will “have to prove yourself.” Ashton-Cirillo told him that she was willing to join a frontline unit, she could march 30 km. with a 20 kg. backpack and she was willing to kill someone.
“One of the reasons I was willing to join is because the war became so personal,” she said, noting she had conducted interviews while rocket attacks and shelling was taking place. “I knew how to shoot. I’m a country girl from the South, so I know how to shoot. Country girl will survive.”
“I want to serve this fight for freedom, this fight for liberty, this fight for all of us,” added Ashton-Cirillo. “As a trans person I want to survive, but most specifically as a human being … it became personal, and I was a citizen of Kharkiv. I was a citizen of Kharkiv Oblast and all of us went through something horrifying, life-changingly traumatic and I was ready.”
Ashton-Cirillo described her commander as a “huge champion of mine.” She told the Blade he asked his colonel whether her gender identity mattered.
“He said no,” recalled Ashton-Cirillo. “I told you she looks healthy. That was it.”
She had a standard physical at a military hospital the next day and “no one batted an eyelash.” Ashton-Cirillo passed, and had 1 1/2 days to return to Kharkiv to get her belongings before she reported to her base.
She is a combat medic because of her background in health care.
“We’re in the field,” she said. “I’m not at the front currently. However, we all live together. Every one of the soldiers knows I’m trans. Some people are completely great with it.”
Ashton-Cirillo — who speaks with her fellow soldiers through Google Translate, English or another language, such as German or Spanish, because she does not speak Ukrainian — said some of them have asked her why she is trans and for how long she has known about her gender identity. Ashton-Cirillo described these questions as “genuine curiosity.” She also said “everybody was cheering me on” when Russian state media last month once again featured her.
“They had me shooting machine guns. They had my training videos and that we’re coming to Crimea,” recalled Ashton-Cirillo. “It backfired so badly on them because it was almost as though you paid them to publish this because you managed to say on Russian television ‘Slava Ukraini’ (‘Glory to Ukraine’) twice. What better publicity and they allowed me to say we’re going to Crimea.”
The Blade spoke with Ashton-Cirillo while she was in D.C. to speak with lawmakers on behalf of the Ukrainian Defense Ministry about continued support for Ukraine.
Ashton-Cirillo met with U.S. Sen. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.), members of U.S. Sen. Jim Risch (R-Idaho)’s staff and other lawmakers or their senior aides.
“We were focused on Ukraine,” said Ashton-Cirillo. “I’m here in a nonpartisan manner. I’m here representing Ukraine’s interests, so we can win this war with our greatest ally, the United States. They met with me.”
“The senator and the senator’s staff were absolutely amazing with me and not in a fictitious way,” she said. “We got down to business.”
Ashton-Cirillo told the Blade that her gender identity was not discussed.
“I haven’t been focused on identity for 9 and 1/2 months,” she said. “I’m sitting in your office. I want to say thank you for your support of Ukraine.”
Ashton-Cirillo also met with activists and NGO representatives in D.C. She traveled to New York; Austin, Texas, and Las Vegas, where she visited her child, before she flew back to Poland on Tuesday.
Ashton-Cirillo once she landed in Warsaw picked up an ambulance that drove into Ukraine the following day.
Zelenskyy on Wednesday met with President Joe Biden at the White House. The Ukrainian president also spoke to Congress before he left D.C.
Zelenskyy after he met with Biden at the White House in 2021 pledged Ukraine would continue to fight discrimination based on sexual orientation. (Ukraine since 2015 has banned employment discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.)
Zelenskyy over the summer announced he supports civil partnerships for same-sex couples. Ukrainian lawmakers last week unanimously approved a media regulation bill that will ban hate speech and incitement based on sexual orientation and gender identity.
“President Zelenskyy’s response to the civil partnership petition shows his commitment to human rights and the rule of law,” Ashton-Cirillo told the Blade on Wednesday in a WhatsApp message. “He could have avoided answering or hiding behind the ongoing war against the Russian invaders but instead gave a clear response based on dignity and liberty.”
“In Ukraine it is key to remember this is a society that is literally fighting for liberation, for all its citizens,” she said. “The new media law is an extension of that.”
Ashton-Cirillo further stressed that Ukraine “cares about humanity, Putin and his war criminals don’t.”
“The separation between the two societies are clear,” she said. “Life in Ukraine is not about tolerance but about freedom. And now the broader world is beginning to realize this as every new civil rights advance takes place.”
Meet the bisexual wife of Pennsylvania’s new U.S. senator
When the Washington Blade caught up with Gisele Barreto Fetterman this month, she was looking forward to some upcoming travel plans
BRADDOCK, Pa. – When the Washington Blade caught up with Gisele Barreto Fetterman this month, she was looking forward to some upcoming travel plans.
First up is a trip to Washington in January to witness the swearing-in ceremony for her husband, Pennsylvania Lt. Gov. John Fetterman, who was just elected to represent the Keystone State in the U.S. Senate after one of the year’s most hard-fought midterm races.
Then, in March, she plans to visit family in Brazil for the first time since travel to her native country was restricted in the early days of the pandemic, and just in time to celebrate another electoral victory as Brazilian voters have ousted their far-right President Jair Bolsonaro.
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (“Lula”) will assume office on Jan. 1.
Travel of the more rote and routine variety also lies ahead for Fetterman and the senator-elect, who will be dividing their time between Washington and the couple’s home with their three children in Braddock, Pa.
Gisele Fetterman is eager for the opportunity to better acquaint herself with the nation’s capital. Having already met some very nice people in the city, she told the Blade, “I’m so excited to make some more fun memories and get to know D.C. better.”
It is difficult to imagine she will have trouble making friends. Even over the phone, she is disarmingly funny, sensitive, and kind; unflinchingly sincere in her dedication to service on behalf of those in need.
At the same time, because the breathless and exhaustive press coverage of her husband’s race against Republican opponent Dr. Oz sometimes included unwarranted scrutiny and criticism of the Democratic candidate’s wife, some folks who were not previously familiar with her might have been left with an incomplete or distorted picture.
Gisele Fetterman was under the microscope as much for her sartorial choices (almost all thrifted), as for her stalwart presence as one of the Fetterman campaign’s most effective surrogates.
Regarding the right-wing attacks that were focused on her identity as a bisexual woman and immigrant from Latin America, she jokes, “they made me sound like a superhero.”
Still, this type of partisan rancor, mean spiritedness, cynicism, and guilefulness are so anathema to Gisele Fetterman’s character and core values that you are left with the impression that she would probably prefer to keep politics at an arm’s length but for her marriage to an incoming U.S. senator.
Leading by example with love and unconditional acceptance
Children are a comforting reminder that human beings are not predestined to fear or harbor prejudice against each other, she said, recalling a memorable exchange that happened as her family was hosting a wedding for a gay couple.
She had rushed to Costco to pick up a big rainbow cake and was fastidiously preparing their home for the ceremony when one of her boys asked what the fuss was about. “Daddy marries people all the time,” he said. “What’s the big deal?”
“This time it’s two boys who are getting married,” Gisele Fetterman said. For her son, it was still just another wedding. “Oh my God, it was just such a sweet and normal and beautiful reaction,” she said, “but that’s all he knows.”
John Fetterman has married same-sex couples for years, including when such unions were illegal under Pennsylvania law during his tenure as mayor of Braddock. Raising children to be “loving and accepting and non-judgmental is really easy if we live that example for them,” Gisele Fetterman said.
She would know, having grown up around LGBTQ people who were embraced unconditionally. After moving with her family to New York at the age of eight, a gay couple who lived nearby stepped in to help care for Gisele and her brother when their mom had to work long hours, she said. The neighbors “became like uncles.”
“My best friend in middle school was gay, my best friend in high school was gay, and I consider myself a member of the community, too, so it’s always just felt very natural” to enjoy the company of other LGBTQ people, she said. “I always choose them.”
More broadly, she said she has always felt closest to “those who have been underrepresented, or historically ignored,” a personal ethos that has informed her work as an activist, philanthropist, and founder-director of mission-driven nonprofit organizations.
A nutritionist by trade, 10 years ago she launched a program to cut down on food waste while helping people who are experiencing hunger. More than 24 million pounds of good, safe-to-eat food from retailers, wholesalers, and grocers has since been rescued from landfills and rerouted to help feed people who are food-insecure.
Gisele Fetterman also leads initiatives to provide those in need with other essential items, support services, and emergency funds, including through the organizations that she founded or co-founded, Free Store 15104, For Good PGH, and 412 Food Rescue.
Along with her nonprofit work, she said the way in which she has approached her role as a politician’s wife has also been influenced by her memories of and experiences with financial hardship in both Brazil and the United States.
For instance, in 2019 when her husband was elected to become Pennsylvania’s lieutenant governor after 13 years as Mayor Fetterman, the new house that came with his new job, complete with a swimming pool, made her uncomfortable. “I would never want to live in a mansion that taxpayers are paying for,” she said. “It just felt wrong.”
Ultimately, the family opted not to live in the lieutenant governor’s mansion. The pool, however, was a different story.
She knew that generations of Black people in America have been denied access to swimming pools through segregation, redlining, and other racist policies, suffering consequences like higher rates of accidental drowning as a result. So she decided to open the pool for public use.
“I really believe you have to see yourself in places to know that you belong in them,” she said. Welcoming historically excluded people to learn about water safety and enjoy themselves in a space that otherwise would be reserved for the couple and their three children made for some “amazing summers,” she said.
In October, a Fox News columnist characterized as “bizarre” Gisele Fetterman’s rationale for opening the swimming pool for public use, writing that Pennsylvania’s second lady had called the act of swimming itself “racist.”
Was it possible that the author had not understood her words rather than deliberately mischaracterizing them and the context in which they were delivered to make a bad-faith attack with Election Day less than two weeks ahead?
Gisele Fetterman appears to think so, as she did not entertain the notion that perhaps the columnist should be tossed into an outdoor pool in December. Instead, she suggested a history book, adding that America’s record of racism and segregation is “really painful, and it can be ugly, but it’s really important to know.”
Asked how she might advise her husband on the challenge of dealing with difficult colleagues in Congress, particularly the senator from Texas whom former GOP House Speaker John Boehner memorably called “lucifer in the flesh,” she again urged patience and understanding.
“The way I work with difficult or unkind people,” she said, is to make up a narrative, a story about something or someone that may have caused the poor behavior because imagining there is an underlying reason can help lower the temperature.
At the same time, she said, while it’s true that hurt people hurt people, everyone is capable of reflecting, consulting a therapist, and otherwise doing whatever it takes to forge a different path.
There may be a dearth of kindness and empathy in Washington’s political circles, but there is certainly no shortage of self-aggrandizement or inflated egos.
Here, too, she may be able to offer some guidance, given her habit of never taking herself too seriously or missing the opportunity for a self-deprecating joke (often directed at her husband).
For instance, after becoming the second lady of Pennsylvania, she shortened her title to its acronym, preferring instead to call herself and be known by others as “the SLOP.”
She also shares photos on social media with her 6-foot-8 husband’s head partially cropped out so that her shoes are visible in the frame, and insists that their marriage operates with the unspoken understanding that Gisele is always right when there are differences of opinion.
On that latter point, should anyone long for the same dynamic with their spouse or significant other, Gisele Fetterman offers the following advice: “You just have to be really confident in your truth,” she said, adding, “then you just, like, ignore him when he’s speaking.”
State of Hate: Out California State Senator Scott Wiener
“California will never be a ‘don’t say gay state. There are laws in place that would stop that from happening, and they are holding strong”
The following is part of an ongoing new series titled ‘State of Hate’ by Los Angeles Blade diversity reporter Simha Haddad. This series is part of the state-wide California Stop the Hate Initiative and is funded with a grant from the California State Library.
SAN FRANCISCO – Calif. State Senator Scott Wiener is an openly gay champion for queer rights, who represents San Francisco’s Senatorial District 11 in Sacramento, and constantly suffers from a tsunami of hatred directed at him by right wing-extremists and homophobes.
The most recent example occurring on December 6th, when San Francisco police responded to a bomb threat at the Senator’s home. This also marks the second time this year that a bomb threat targeting him resulted with police searching his residence and professional workspaces. Both times the threats were laced with profanities that denigrated his sexuality.
“Early this morning, I was informed by the San Francisco Standard and the police that someone had issued a bomb threat against me, listing my specific home address and also threatening to shoot up my Capitol office. The email said ‘we will fucking kill you’ and called me a pedophile and groomer,” Wiener wrote in an emailed statement to the Blade.
“I will always fight for the LGBTQ community — and for the community as a whole — and will never let these threats stop that work,” Wiener added.
“I’ve been targeted and attacked for being gay my whole life,” the 52-year-old lawmaker said in a lengthy phone interview with Blade earlier this month. Indeed, Wiener’s lifelong prolific progressive political work has often cost him his sense of safety.
He has received death threats from QAnon adherents, those associated with far right extremist groups like the Proud Boys and has been made the subject of numerous homophobic and anti-Semitic messages and posts on social media platforms.
Wiener had also received a death threat from a man for the Senator’s pro stance on vaccines. The man was found with two homemade ghost guns and then arrested.
A Contra Costa County Superior Court jury this past September convicted a 51-year-old San Ramon man for threatening the life Wiener and on state weapons charges.
Erik Triana was convicted guilty of threatening the life of the senator, two counts of possessing assault weapons (an AR-15 rifle and a privately made 9mm pistol), two counts of manufacturing or assembling unregistered firearms (commonly known as ghost guns), and two counts of having a concealed firearm in a vehicle, according to the Contra Costa County District Attorney’s Office.
Even within his own LGBTQ+ community and some California progressive political circles, Wiener can occasionally be a lightning rod for critique.
During his tenure on the City and County of San Francisco’s Board of Supervisors for example, Wiener, who represented District Eight- the area once represented by iconic Supervisor Harvey Milk who was assassinated in office, had some critics in the city’s LGBTQ+ community who felt that Wiener was tone-deaf to the community’s needs. There were those who expressed that it seemed that he was more pro-business than paying attention to the needs of the community especially those less fortunate.
A journey begins
As a proud gay Jewish man in politics, the road has never been easy for Wiener.
Wiener, born in Philadelphia, grew up in neighboring Southern New Jersey where he graduated from Washington Township High School in Gloucester County, one of the largest public high schools in South Jersey.
His father was a small business owner, and his mother was a teacher.
He received a bachelor’s degree from Duke University in Durham, North Carolina and a law degree from Harvard Law School in Cambridge, Massachusetts. After law school, Wiener conducted historical research in Chile under a Fulbright Scholarship. He later clerked for Justice Alan B. Handler on the New Jersey state supreme court.
“I got involved in politics as a teenager in the 1980s,” Wiener told the Blade. “I was a Jewish kid in a very non-Jewish community and experienced a lot of antisemitism. I was also a closeted gay man. I learned early on that, for marginalized communities, politics isn’t just about policy choices; rather, it’s a matter of life and death.”
“When I first came out, as a college student at Duke, I was called a faggot various times,” said Wiener.
“It was a scary time to be a gay man in the South. I then did a Fulbright in Chile, and once, when I was at a gay nightclub, we got rounded up on the dance floor by local police. That was terrifying,” he reflected.
Back in the states Wiener moved to San Francisco in 1997 to work as a litigation attorney at Heller Ehrman White & McAuliffe, an international law firm of more than 730 attorneys with 15 offices in the United States, Europe, and Asia.
Politics and elected office: The City & County of San Francisco Board of Supervisors
In 2002, he went to work as a deputy city attorney, under San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera. Then politics beckoned him again and Wiener served as chair of the San Francisco Democratic County Central Committee until he was elected to the City and County of San Francisco Board of Supervisors on November 2, 2010.
When asked why he decided to run for office, Wiener responded, “Although I knew there was a possibility I’d eventually run for office, I also knew there were significant costs to doing so. It wasn’t until my mid 30s that I decided to run — because I had a sense that I could make a real contribution in elected office. To me, serving in elected office is simply an extension of community work.”
His election also brought forth a burgeoning reputation for being a legislative workhorse as he introduced measures that addressed San Francisco’s public transportation, measures to allow the construction of new in-law units, and he authored legislation to make San Francisco the first city in the country to require water recycling in new developments.
He also acquired some detractors which included the San Francisco Fire Department, after Wiener advocated against widening streets. In 2014, this led to a public disagreement with the SFFD around street design at new developments.
Wiener also fought to to streamline pedestrian safety projects, supported expanding access to car-share programs such as Uber and Lyft, and authored legislation to make it easier for businesses to get permits for DJs, and to offer a new permit to allow for live music in the city’s plazas.
Working on LGBTQ+ specific legislative efforts, Wiener in a September 2014 commentary piece essay at the Huffington Post, revealed that he was taking Truvada, a pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) that reduces the risk of HIV infection.
He advocated for HIV/AIDS services and in 2016, he helped secure funding for San Francisco’s Getting to Zero effort, which aims to end all new HIV infections in the City. That same year he he authored a bill barring the city from doing business with companies based in states that have laws that bar policies banning discrimination against LGBTQ+ people which was passed by the full Board of Supervisors.
Heading to Sacramento
California State Senator Mark Leno, an openly gay lawmaker who represented San Francisco’s Senatorial District 11 in Sacramento, was termed limited in 2016 and Wiener threw his hat in the ring.
Since San Francisco has a significant number of Chinese-American residents- 17% of the city’s population speak Chinese, the ballot is required to be available with candidate’s names in the written Chinese logosyllabic form. The lanky 6 foot 7 inch politician settled on the name ‘Wei Shangao,’ meaning “bold, majestic, charitable, and tall.”
That 2016 campaign also pitted Wiener against the Los Angeles-based AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF) and its controversial president, Michael Weinstein. Wiener was opposed to Proposition 60, which would require porn actors to wear condoms when filming a movie anywhere in the state.
AHF’s Weinstein lent the initiative enough support to make it onto the ballot that November. However there was very public sparring between the two men over the issue.
In a press release by Wiener, he stated he was being attacked in a series of ads by AHF and Weinstein because of his opposition to Prop 60 and his support of PrEP.
“Michael Weinstein’s tactics are predictable given his long record of sex-shaming his own community,” said Wiener. “I’m proud to stand on the side of my community and smart public health policies like increasing access to PrEP and not driving the adult film industry underground, where workers will be less safe. In the state senate I will fight back against the regressive and harmful policies pushed by Weinstein and fight for progressive, safe healthcare policies that protect our community.”
After a hard fought campaign he ultimately defeated fellow Supervisor Jane Kim in the November general election. Once elected however, like his previous record on the Board of Supervisors, Wiener commenced cranking out multiple legislative efforts on a dizzying array of topics and political issues.
“I will never stop fighting for my community, no matter what. There is so much more work to do.”
The long list of LGBTQ rights the senator has championed for makes him somewhat of a hero in the community. His legislative track record’s achievements however, have brought notoriety and intense scrutiny from conservatives and particularly from far right elements.
“Over the past several years, I’ve received thousands of death threats,” wrote the Senator in Technology Review, “overwhelmingly on or stemming from social media, largely in response to my work advancing LGBTQ+ civil rights, with a secondary source being my work to expand vaccine access.”
Wiener, reelected in 2020, has authored sixty-five bills that have been passed into law, a large majority of them dealing with taboo topics for the right-wing political sphere such as trans children’s rights.
“Unfortunately,” he reflected, “due to my LGBTQ civil rights work, I am constantly targeted. A lot of this hate starts online, with people falsely accusing me and other LGBTQ people of being pedophiles or groomers. It’s scary and it’s unacceptable, and I worry about what could happen. But I will never stop fighting for my community, no matter what. There is so much more work to do.”
Last month for instance, there was a Twitter uproar over Georgia Republican United States Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene tweeting Wiener is a “communist groomer.”
“Pass my Protect Children’s Innocence Act to stop communist groomers like this from using state government power to take children away from their parents to allow a for-profit medical industry to chop off these confused children’s genitals before they are even old enough to vote,” Greene wrote.
The tweet came days after the Club Q mass shooting in Colorado Springs that killed five people. The shooting was a direct hate crime against the LGBTQ community. In spite of the tragic and unnecessary deaths, some right-wing parties justify the shooting as an act of defense against child molestation and corruption. These child endangerment claims were made because of an all-ages drag show the club was hosting on the evening of the shooting.
“The word ‘groomer’ is highly offensive,” Wiener explained to the Blade. “It is homophobic and perpetuates this idea that all gay people are pedophiles.”
‘Grooming,’ or the act and process of preparing a child for molestation, abuse, and or/rape by a pedophile, is a term used both by Greene and by those openly in favor of the mass shooting.
Wiener tweeted: “Per Marjorie Taylor Greene, I’m a ‘communist groomer’ Pretty deft blending of McCarthy red-baiting & gay-baiting. For the record, her “Protect Children’s Innocence Act” comes pretty damn close to banning trans people from existing. Oh & Kevin McCarthy is going to re-empower her.”
The Senator followed up with a photo of the trans bartender who was murdered in the shooting, stating: “Let’s talk about “groomer,” a word totally co-opted by the homo/transphobic MAGA right to slander LGBTQ people & their allies. Ex A: The reply below to an @HRC tweet about a murdered trans bartender at Club Q: ‘And yet, he supported the grooming of children. Hard to feel bad.’” The tweet highlighted the right’s lack of empathy and compassion for queer lives.
The Senator’s tweet about “banning trans people” and Greene’s claim that the Senator’s policies are in favor of taking confused children away from their parents and mutilating them directly relate to bills SB 107 and SB 255, which he has fought relentlessly to pass and remain active.
SB 107 “Provides refuge for trans kids and their families in California so they can avoid criminal prosecution for seeking or allowing gender-affirming care in states like Texas.” SB 225 “Provides children (some of whom may identify as intersex) and their families a chance to make informed decisions about major surgeries to change variations in the appearance of genitalia and other sex characteristics.”
In other words, the bills ensure that children get the care they need in California and, indeed, do not get stripped from their parents if they come to seek gender-affirming care here. This is a stark contrast to states like Texas where parents can be investigated and charged with child abuse for allowing their children to get treatment.
Allowing children to receive gender-affirming care is a sore spot for many on the fence about queer rights. The far right continues to vehemently oppose this treatment.
“What a lot of people don’t understand,” said Wiener, “Is that actual surgery in trans children is extremely rare. More often, it’s hormone treatment and puberty blockers. But the right wing makes it sound like all of these children are having surgery. We want to protect their rights to gender-affirming care.”
Greene’s misconstruing of SB 107 is not new to Wiener. The right wing often neglects the nuance of the Senator’s bills, favoring fear-mongering that fosters confusion, making it difficult for those who are unfamiliar with the Senator’s bills to weed through the homophobic rhetoric.
Far-right extremist radio chat show host and avid Trump supporter Charles J. Kirk attacked Wiener in a tweet, saying: “Thousands of pedophiles in California are going free after just a few months in jail, thanks to the state’s radically reduced penalties for child molestation. One reason so many of these predators are going free so early is California lawmaker Scott Wiener.”
Kirk, loosely channeling an InfoWars host Alex Jones style-attack went after Wiener implying that the veteran lawmaker endorses and supports child molestation
Kirk’s comments refer to Senator Wiener’s bill SB 145- “Ending Discrimination Against LGBT People Regarding Sex Offender Registration,” which was “Sponsored by Equality California and the Los Angeles County District Attorney, SB 145 puts a stop to LGBT young people going on the sex offender registry, when similarly situated young straight people do not.”
When asked about the neglect of nuance and the defamation perpetuated by Kirk, Wiener said, “All we are asking is for gay people to be treated the same as straight people. Until that bill was passed, in this case, they were not.”
In spite of Kirk’s claims, child molestation penalties have not been reduced in California. In fact, Kirk’s comments that ‘Senator Wiener condones child molestation’ are somewhat outshined by him being named Legislator of the Year by the California Sexual Assault Investigators Association and California Attorneys for Criminal Justice in 2018.
“This type of language is incredibly dangerous,” said Wiener, who advocates strongly for the abolition of using words like ‘groomer; to inaccurately describe a gay person. “Words become actions. Once someone believes these lies as true, then they might act on them, like with the Club Q shooting.”
“While Twitter is a small platform compared with other major social media, this shift matters tremendously,” said the Senator writing in Technology Review.
He was referencing billionaire Elon Musk’s takeover of the platform, and the detriment of the hate speech like Greene’s that is being allowed to flow freely throughout the platform.
“Twitter punches way above its weight class. It is an incredibly important platform for our democracy—a place where ideas and information germinate, spread, and break out of Twitter itself into broader media and public perception. Whether for politics, media, science, medicine, history, or pretty much any other subject area, Twitter has become an epicenter of public discourse in American life,” Wiener stressed.
Other notable LGBTQ+ legislation the Senator has managed to pass includes a bill to protect the rights to treatment of LGBTQ+ seniors living in long-term care. This bill helps to stop discrimination against queer seniors and seniors living with AIDS. He has also ensured that PrEp and PEP (HIV preventative drugs) are available without a prescription and that incarcerated transgender individuals are housed in prison according to where they will be safest.
Wiener has been a driving force in creating more accessible and affordable housing. So much so that he received an Annie B. Stanton Award for combatting youth homelessness from Larkin Street Youth Services.
Wiener’s Homeless Youth Act has made it possible for many homeless LGBTQ+ youths under the age of twenty-five to get back on their feet. The act’s main goal is to end youth homelessness altogether. It aims to do this through increased funding both through the state and fundraising and analysis and implementation of set goals and programs to end homelessness.
“There are so many homeless LGBTQ+ youths,” said Wiener when asked about temporary and transitional housing. “Some of them are kicked out of their homes. Some have nowhere to go after foster care. We work to get them housing.”
He also created a “$100 million forgivable loan program to fund new housing, or acquire existing housing, for transition-age youth between ages 16 and 26.” In addition to youths who are homeless, this funding is mainly allocated toward those exiting foster care or the criminal justice system.
This is hugely beneficial as a disproportionately large number of those exiting government institutions such as foster care and prison often end up homeless. He also helped pass a “right to shelter” bill giving even more displaced individuals, and families access to shelter.
In addition to providing transitional housing and resources to the homeless, Wiener has had a huge impact on housing in California. He has increased data intake on housing so that analysis of state housing laws and understanding of that data is more accurate and beneficial to California. He increased the availability of multi-family housing, which directly benefits those who are consistently out priced by California’s aggressive housing market.
He made affordable housing more available to low-income families and has challenged zoning laws that make many vulnerable to displacement. He also made student and faculty on-campus housing more available so that neither students nor faculty has to commute to school.
Wiener also champions mental health reform and advocacy, ensuring that health insurance covers the cost of medically necessary mental wellness treatment.
Yet, with all the positive change as a Senator he has been able to implement, the homophobia hurled at him by the right continues to resonate with many. When asked why, Wiener responded, “Because people are brainwashed. If they hear it enough times, they become afraid, and that fear is what leads to brainwashing by these super right-wing QAnon fanatics.”
When asked whether this homophobia will work its way into state law, he replied confidently: “California will never be a ‘don’t say gay state,’ said Wiener. “Never. There are laws in place that would stop that from happening, and they are holding strong.”
Queer artists discover AI art app uses their art without permission
“If they need art to train the AI, they could ask artists or license existing work. Instead they’re going online and stealing it”
SUNNYVALE, Calif. – When Paul Richmond, a queer artist, first started to see AI-generated portraits trending on social media, he thought they were “cool” and “interesting.”
“I’ve been intrigued by AI [artificial intelligence] for a while, and I’m very open to new technology,” he told the Los Angeles Blade. “I think there’s a lot of exciting potential with it.”
That was until Richmond discovered that Lensa AI, the app behind the popular Instagram trend, was using his artwork to train its AI – without his permission. Richmond said it felt like a “violation.”
“As somebody who really advocates for artists and artists’ rights, to me, it’s just a very clear violation of our ability to decide what happens with our work,” he said.
Lensa AI, which launched in 2018, went viral last month after introducing its “magical avatars” feature, allowing users to turn photos into digital art portraits. The app claimed the No. 1 spot on the iOS App Store’s “Photo & Video” chart in late November and has stayed there, garnering millions of downloads.
But Lensa AI uses the open-source Stable Diffusion model – which pulls from a massive database of digital art scraped from the internet, LAION-5B, to train its AI – to generate the viral portraits. Artists have accused Stable Diffusion of using their artwork without their permission in the past. But the popularity of Lensa AI has again sparked an ethical debate over AI machines trained by original artwork.
“They’re just finding things online and stealing it,” Richmond said.
Marc DeBauch, another queer artist who discovered his artwork was being used to train AI, called the process “a slap in the face of artists that spend their whole lives working to create a body of work.”
In an email, Lensa AI-developer Prisma Labs told the Blade that “once the training is finished, AI doesn’t refer to the original dataset, instead it applies only acquired principles/learnings it has developed to the process of further creation.” The company compared it to how a “human being is capable of learning and self-training some elementary art principles by observing art, exploring imagery online and learning about artists and ultimately attempting to create something based on these aggregated skills.”
“Hence, one cannot loosely apply such terms as ‘forgery’ and ‘art theft’ to this process,” a Prisma Labs spokesperson said.
They added: “Commercial use of the Model doesn’t represent any legal violations. In addition we are fully GDPR [General Data Protection Regulation] and CCAP [California Consumer Privacy Act] compliant.”
Stability AI, the parent company of Stable Diffusion, did not respond to the Blade’s request for comment.
Richmond accused U.S. law of being “behind technology.” Daniel Gervais, a professor of law and director of the Vanderbilt Intellectual Property Program, said that he is “not aware of a court opinion specifically on text and data mining.” So, until there is, “it is not wrong to say ‘the law hasn’t caught up.'”
According to Gervais, the “copying necessary [for the AI] to learn is copyright infringement unless it is fair use.” However, he said, under current law, “it is more likely than not that a court would say it is fair use.”
In particular, he referenced the case Authors Guild v. Google, which challenged the legality of Google’s attempt to digitize copyrighted books into an online searchable database. Authors and publishers were concerned that Google did not seek their permission. In 2015 an appeals court upheld a ruling in favor of Google.
Gervais did note that the U.S. Supreme Court will weigh in on a “big” fair use case, Andy Warhol Foundation for the Visual Arts, Inc. v. Goldsmith, which deals with “transformative” art. Past court rulings have held that if the art conveys a different meaning or message from its source material, it qualifies as fair use.
“That might change the law,” Gervais said.
But artists argue – legal or not – AI training using their work without permission crosses ethical barriers.
“It basically just recreates our art and kind of jumbles it up a little bit and slaps a different face on top of it,” Richmond said, adding: “In some cases, you can actually see the signatures of the original artists kind of mangled up in the images that are being generated for people.”
DeBauch took issue with the app – which costs $7.99 per month or $29.99 per year – profiting while many artists are unaware their work is being used to train the AI. “I do all the work, but somebody is making a profit from my work, and I’m not getting anything for it,” he said. “And that really hurts because I’m not making a lot of money from my art.”
Both Richmond and DeBauch only realized their work was being used days ago after visiting the site HaveIBeenTrained.com, which allows artist’s search databases – like the one Stability AI uses to train Stable Diffusion – for links to their work and flag them for removal. The site is run by Spawning, a group of artists building tools for artist ownership of their training data.
“Holy cow,” DeBauch recalls thinking when plugged in his work. He said he spent roughly two hours Sunday trying to flag his work for removal. He called the process “arduous,” as he couldn’t search for his artwork on his phone, and some images didn’t fit the site’s specifications.
“For us to have to opt out is kind of like [adding] insult to injury,” DeBauch said.
Richmond has not yet flagged his work for removal, but he plans to later this week.
Richmond and DeBauch both said the internet has helped and harmed artists. On the one hand, it has helped artists easily distribute their work. But it has also made their art easier to copy or use without permission.
“You grant to the Company a worldwide, non-exclusive, royalty-free, sublicensable, revocable and transferable license to use that User Content, and namely reproduce, distribute, modify, create derivative works, publicly display and publicly perform or otherwise use that respective User Content,” the agreement reads.
Danny Cevallos, an NBC legal analyst, said, simply put, it means “any photographs you give to Lensa, they can use it however they want.”
In addition, according to NBC News, the founders of Prisma Labs – the owner of Lensa AI – all previously worked in Russia. Incorporated in the U.S., Prisma Labs said it has no presence in the Russian Federation. It also said photos are immediately deleted from its servers after the avatars are made.
Richmond and DeBauch both said the internet has helped and harmed artists. On the one hand, it has helped artists easily distribute their work. But it has also made their art easier to copy or use without permission.
“The internet is a double-edged sword for artists,” DeBauch said.
While DeBauch called himself an “old-school artist” who “doesn’t even really like digital art,” Richmond said he “love[s] all of the advancements in technology, and what that has allowed artists to do. We should never be afraid of that kind of thing.”
“I think that there’s a lot of great potential with AI,” Richmond said. “But it needs to be handled in an ethical way. If they need art to train the AI, they could commission that art from artists or they could license existing work from artists. Instead, they’re just finding things online and stealing it.”
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